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Adult Vocational Development

Chapter 14 in the course textbook focuses on the value and meaning of work in adulthood. The social roles and meanings associated with work—what one does for a living or as a profession—are among the most complex and important identities associated with individuals in our society

For this journal assignment, reflect on the substance and theoretical foundation of what you have learned this week about social development, specifically in relation to work and work/life integration. Then write a reflective essay that addresses the following:

· Explain how this week’s readings inform, influence, or cast light on your personal educational and work journey.

· Reflect on how ones work and related practices fit into stages of development as theorized by Erikson or Maslow.

· Discuss how you would advise a younger colleague or client facing decisions in this realm.

Required Text

You can find more helpful items for Constellation at the following site: https://content.rockies.edu/support/tutorials/

Constellation: Mossler, R. A., & Ziegler, M. (2016). Understanding Development: A Lifespan Perspective. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc

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14Education, Work, and Retirement

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Learning Objectives

After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

• Analyze the effect that education has on employment rates, occupational expectations, and income.

• Outline the career development theories of Super and Holland.

• Examine the role of motivation and job satisfaction in career development.

• Evaluate the complex role of gender in the workplace, and how the changing nature of gender roles affects occupation selection, work expectations, and the wage gap.

• Appraise the relationship of work and family.

• Assess how race and ethnicity influence workplace variability.

• Explain the changing dynamics of work and retirement in middle and later adulthood.

• Compare and contrast different kinds of living arrangements associated with aging and retirement.

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Prologue

Chapter Outline

Prologue

14.1 Education and Employment Changes in Educational Requirements for Careers

14.2 The Meaning of Work Super’s Stage Theory of Vocational Development Holland’s Theory of Vocational Development

14.3 Motivation and Job Satisfaction Intrinsic Versus Extrinsic Rewards and Work Job Satisfaction

14.4 Gender and Work Occupational Gender Segregation The Wage Gap Assessing Gender Inequality in the Workplace

14.5 Family and Work Single-Parent Families Division of Labor in Two-Parent Families Stay-at-Home Parents

14.6 Race, Ethnicity, and Work

14.7 Retirement Retirement Age The Transition to Retirement Income in Retirement

14.8 Living Arrangements After Retirement Independent/Retirement Living Assisted Living Adult Day Care Nursing Homes/Skilled Nursing Facilities Caring for Elders in Their Homes

Summary & Resources

Prologue Sometimes it is difficult for me to determine whether I chose my career field or whether it chose me. I enrolled at UCLA as an engineering major, changed to undeclared, then economics, then back to undeclared—all within about a year. I did not even commit to being a psychol- ogy major until—in my senior year—my counselor looked at my transcripts and informed me that I could not register for classes without declaring a major. However, she noted that I had already completed the major requirements in psychology. I spent my senior year taking a number of graduate classes in psychology because I had exhausted the undergraduate menu.

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Section 14.1 Education and Employment

Meanwhile, when I was a sophomore, I had gotten a job as a teacher’s assistant in a special education class because it was convenient and sounded interesting enough. I loved the job, but moved on to private tutoring simply because I was qualified and it paid better. Still an undergraduate, I used my experience in education and was hired as an educational therapist, where the pay improved further and the job was a bit more challenging. My education sup- ported my work—as well as the other way around—and so I was drawn into the fields of education and psychology, eventually earning a Ph.D. in counseling psychology.

Truly, I have found the ideal career for me, which includes mentoring, writing, and teaching. I sometimes wonder if I would be writing engineering or physics textbooks had a different job been made available all of those years ago. While some people enter adulthood determined to pursue specific career goals, others dip their toes into different fields until they reach one that feels comfortable. And still others, like me, think they have a plan only to discover it was ill-fitting. For these reasons and others, it is clear that career and work is integral to identity development over the lifespan. In this chapter, we explore how education and work contrib- ute to developmental processes in a way that provides individual meaning. We also consider how we adapt to retirement and increased dependency as a normal part of aging.

14.1 Education and Employment Identifying with a career path includes psychological, social, educational, physical, economic, and, as it did for me, unplanned factors that together influence the work that we do over our lifetimes. Varied experiences, including trainings and chance opportunities, contribute to career enhancement. It should come as no surprise that education has a tremendous effect on financial security once we reach the job market. But how much is a degree worth? We often hear of figures between $1 million and $3 million in lifetime earnings, but once again, one number does not tell the whole story. While much depends on how long people work and the field in which they are eventually employed, it is clear that education in and of itself breeds both intrapersonal and material success.

Data from the Great Recession offer another reason to earn a degree. College graduates may not have found ideal jobs, but they had strong advantages. During the years of recession, adults with a bachelor’s degree or higher actually gained jobs (see Figure 14.1). The unem- ployment rate for college graduates over 24 years old never exceeded 4.7%, compared to a peak of 12% for high school graduates without a college degree. The media in the United States often highlight the number of recent college graduates who have a difficult time finding a job, but at the end of the economic downturn their rate of unemployment was 6.8%—far less than the 24% of recent high school graduates (Carnevale, Jayasundera, & Cheah, 2012). If anything, the importance of a college degree has been understated.

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People with Bachelor’s degrees or better gained 2 million jobs in recovery.

People with Associate’s degrees or some college education gained 1.6 million jobs in recovery.

Those with high school diplomas or less lost 5.6 million jobs altogether in the recession.

Those with Associate’s degrees or some college lost 1.75 million jobs in the recession.

Those with Bachelor’s degrees or better gained 187,000 jobs in the recession.

People with high school diplomas or less lost 230,000 jobs by February 2012 in recovery.

Dec. ‘07 May ‘08 Oct. ‘08 Mar. ‘09 Aug. ‘09 Jan. ‘10Jun. ‘10 Nov. ‘10 Apr. ‘11 Sept. ‘11 Feb. ‘11

High School or Less

Associate’s Degree or Some College

Bachelor’s Degree or Better

Note: The monthly employment numbers are seasonally adjusted using the U.S. Census Bureau X-12 procedure and smoothed using four-month moving averages. The graph represents the total employment losses by education since the beginning of the recession in December 2007 to January 2010 and employment gains in recovery from January 2010 to February 2012.

Section 14.1 Education and Employment

Being terminated from a job can negatively affect identity development, damage self-esteem, and contribute to a host of mental and physical health problems. While the vast majority of job losses during the recession were to those who had less than a bachelor’s degree, their job numbers were also slower to recover. On the other hand, individuals with college degrees accelerated their employment gains. In fact, if we look back over 20 years, employment growth has consisted entirely of those with college degrees. The number of jobs filled by those with a high school degree or less has dropped 14% during the same time (see Figure 14.2). Clearly, a college degree is essential for long-term personal and vocational success.

Figure 14.1: Employment changes by education level, 2007–2012

National data indicate that a college degree is more important than ever. During the recent economic downturn, individuals with college degrees were able to maintain a much higher rate of employment than those with only a high school diploma or less.

Source: From Carnevale, A. P., Jayasundera, T., & Cheah, B. (2012). The college advantage: Weathering the economic storm. Washington, DC: Georgetown University. Reprinted with permission.

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People with Bachelor’s degrees or better gained 2 million jobs in recovery.

People with Associate’s degrees or some college education gained 1.6 million jobs in recovery.

Those with high school diplomas or less lost 5.6 million jobs altogether in the recession.

Those with Associate’s degrees or some college lost 1.75 million jobs in the recession.

Those with Bachelor’s degrees or better gained 187,000 jobs in the recession.

People with high school diplomas or less lost 230,000 jobs by February 2012 in recovery.

Dec. ‘07 May ‘08 Oct. ‘08 Mar. ‘09 Aug. ‘09 Jan. ‘10Jun. ‘10 Nov. ‘10 Apr. ‘11 Sept. ‘11 Feb. ‘11

High School or Less

Associate’s Degree or Some College

Bachelor’s Degree or Better

Note: The monthly employment numbers are seasonally adjusted using the U.S. Census Bureau X-12 procedure and smoothed using four-month moving averages. The graph represents the total employment losses by education since the beginning of the recession in December 2007 to January 2010 and employment gains in recovery from January 2010 to February 2012.

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Section 14.1 Education and Employment

Changes in Educational Requirements for Careers In the past, young people decided on an occupation early, and it was possible to keep the same occupation throughout one’s life. But over the last 40 years, the increased use of technology has led to dramatic shifts in the type of work that people pursue. Many low-skilled, routine tasks have been taken over by computers or computerized machines. More and more jobs require non-routine cognitive tasks, like problem solving, and complex communications that take higher levels of skill. Young people today are unlikely to keep the same job for longer than a few years. As adults change jobs, they need to build knowledge and skills that can transfer from one setting to another. Traditionally, working for an organization meant going to school to qualify for a particular job. Now, learning occurs not only before the job, but continues throughout working life. Global competition and technological advances have changed how organizations work, too. Workers are becoming more independent and are asked to make more decisions about their area of work. Because of rapid changes, everyone, including front line workers and executive managers, must stay current with their skills.

Figure 14.2: Employment changes by education level, 1989–2012

Over more than 20 years, job growth has occurred entirely among workers with postsecondary educational experience. Over the same period, there has been net loss of employment among those with a high school diploma or less.

Source: From Carnevale, A. P., Jayasundera, T., & Cheah, B. (2012). The college advantage: Weathering the economic storm. Washington, DC: Georgetown University. Reprinted with permission.

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Section 14.2 The Meaning of Work

The fastest growing professional careers are in healthcare, information technology, and engi- neering, which require higher levels of education. This is also true for wholesale and retail trades, where more than 50% of the workforce requires some postsecondary education. Employers are willing to pay more for workers who have completed college because a degree implies that a person has the knowledge, skills, and motivation to improve productivity (BLS, 2015d; Carnevale & Smith, 2011). Even with a degree, today’s employees continue to learn on the job and through formal training.

Section Review Summarize the relationship between education and employment.

14.2 The Meaning of Work For most men and women, work takes up a large proportion of their lives. Work has a heavy influence on where people live, who their friends are, and their participation in social activi- ties. Depending on the field, work can be a reflection of one’s personality, provide social opportunities, esteem, an outlet for creativity, or it can simply be a way to make money. Though perhaps ironic, work is also the first stage of retirement and end-of-life planning: It provides the financial means, personal associations, and involvement in activities that pro- mote psychosocial growth. Erikson would say that these factors support generativity, leading to the development of integrity in old age.

The priorities for work can vary greatly by individual and culture. Those who grow up in an economically advantaged U.S. family are usually either encouraged to “find their own way” or pursue prestigious (and lucrative) careers in law, medicine, or business. Likewise,

generations sometimes change little among working class adults in the U.S. and elsewhere around the world. It is not uncommon for children to remain stagnated within the same economic circumstances they were born into. Whereas factories in Detroit and else- where were once considered an invi- tation to a higher standard of living, many abandoned facilities now pro- vide reminders to children about the importance of expanding opportuni- ties through education and training.

Technology and the ease of travel have changed the landscape of vocational possibilities, as well. Thanks in part to the Internet, people can more eas- ily pursue jobs anywhere in the world. And many people do work all over the

iStock/Thinkstock

Work not only takes up a large amount of a person’s life, but it influences how people live, dress, and socially interact.

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Section 14.2 The Meaning of Work

world, without ever leaving their computers. Therefore, adults can have more confidence to pursue jobs that they feel are important, not just necessary to earn a living. The increase in service jobs and the decrease in manufacturing jobs in the United States also means that the nature of work has changed. More than in previous years, students and job seekers can more easily access information to align careers with personal and professional goals.

An occupation has a great influence on how individuals dress and behave, and it is key to what partners look for in beginning love relationships, at topic we considered in Chapter 12. Where you live and work, even what you do at work, has a big impact on which people you will become acquainted with. Families and jobs are usually part of the narrative for young adults who hypothesize about the future. Later family organization includes factors related to work, including the seemingly separate structure of the household. In old age, people still define themselves by what they have accomplished, both personally and vocationally. All of these factors explain how work affects well-being, motivation, and identity (D’Argembeau, Lardi, Van der Linden, 2012; Oyserman, 2015).

Super’s Stage Theory of Vocational Development The juxtaposition of work and identity development is consistent with the best-known early theory of career development, advanced by vocational psychologist Donald Super. His life- span model, which emphasized a normative approach to career development, suggested that self-concept is integrated with occupational experiences (Super, 1957, 1990). Work is integral to reaching cognitive and psychosocial potential by offering avenues of pursuit that are consistent with self-concept. And satisfaction in work depends on how well self-identity is promoted. For instance, if you think of yourself as a “people person,” you will achieve psy- chological growth in a position where you view yourself as helping others, as in the fields of psychology or social services.

As part of Super’s life-span model, adults progress through a series of five distinct stages of career development:

• Growth (early childhood through early adolescence): Children learn about work in general, form attitudes, and develop values that are integrated into self-concept.

• Exploration (about ages 15–24): Beginning in adolescence, individuals take classes, engage in hobbies, and try out jobs in order to narrow career preference. Students who enroll in classes unsystematically or volunteer at random sites remain in an exploratory phase (which may not be unhealthy).

• Establishment (early adulthood): Individuals settle into an occupation and then build skills in order to advance in their fields. The expression of self-concept goes through a parallel period of growth. For example, when President Barack Obama was a law professor while concurrently performing the duties of a community activist, he was building the skills he would need for political office.

• Maintenance (middle adulthood): People maximize efficiency as they adjust to changes and their positions improve. Oprah Winfrey is an example of this, as she expanded and transformed her media presence in the face of increasing competition.

• Deceleration (late adulthood): Workload and productivity decrease; people imple- ment retirement plans. Bill Gates demonstrated this stage as he surrounded himself with people who could carry out his ideas while he moved out of his role as overseer. Gates simultaneously entered an establishment stage with the creation of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

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Section 14.2 The Meaning of Work

The life-span model helps to explain how occupations evolve as a function of self-concept development, and also acknowledges that individuals cannot always realize their full poten- tial. Work cannot be isolated from other roles, such as those related to parenting, being a spouse, or engaging in leisure activities (Super, 1990). Therefore, according to Super and his followers, people need to integrate personal factors, such as values, needs, and skills, as well as ecological factors, like family, neighborhood, and economic opportunity, into career plan- ning (Savickas, 2002). For instance, circumstances may demand that the “people person” remain in a small town where becoming a psychologist is not practical. Instead, perhaps an alternative like teaching or managing a small store would allow for congruency to be main- tained between self-concept and occupational behaviors.

Evaluation of Super Super’s theory continues to be influential and has contributed to a number of career develop- ment assessments. High schools, colleges, and vocational counselors continue to use them. The Adult Career Concerns Inventory (ACCI; Super, Thompson, & Lindeman, 1988) and the Career Development Inventory (CDI; Super, Thompson, Lindeman, Jordaan, & Myers, 1981) measure the amount of concern that individuals have with tasks at any particular stage. Indi- viduals and counselors can then use this information to assess potential consequences of a planned job change. The Work Values Inventory aligns 12 values (like dress, prestige, income, or creativity) with a career. This approach diverges from (or, alternatively, complements) other instruments that might focus only on interests and skills (Robinson & Betz, 2008).

Super acknowledged that work roles could not be isolated from other goals (Super, 1990). Therefore, it is not always easy to generalize his theory to a broad range of individuals. Impor- tantly, there is a lack of a cross-cultural perspective. Not everyone’s work life proceeds in a linear progression. Another criticism is that this model assumes that career choice is mostly an internal process and does not take into consideration the impact of external factors like poverty, lack of education, racism, and other social circumstances. Career priorities may vary according to culture and gender as well. Care of parents or, especially, young children often impacts occupational development (Brown, 1990; Leong & Brown, 1995).

Therefore, there is relative importance of roles related to family, work, community, and lei- sure. Climbing the company ladder is not the typical career trajectory that it was in the 1950s when the theory was first developed. Companies downsize as necessary; workers change jobs in order to advance their careers. A lack of loyalty on both sides contributes to more divergent career pathways.

Holland’s Theory of Vocational Development Before determining that career choices occur over the lifespan, Super began with a trait approach, like that represented by the Big Five, which we discussed in Chapter 11 (Super, 1990). He thought that traits would naturally lead people to the right jobs. He later aban- doned that approach in favor of the developmental model, which more easily incorporates the variability of ecological factors.

John Holland filled the void and developed assessments to match distinct interests and per- sonality characteristics with jobs that will allow the expression of those traits. Whereas Super felt that people pursue careers in order to maintain subjective congruency with their

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Section 14.2 The Meaning of Work

self-identities, Holland focused on objective analyses of interests, intelligence, skills, and val- ues (Holland, 1958, 1996, 1997). According to Holland, this approach uses personality type to optimize career satisfaction. The test instruments he developed (that others have since modified and expanded) ask about school subjects, types of people, pastimes, events, and careers that may or may not be appealing. The answers are analyzed to identify strengths and weaknesses in six types of vocational interests known as RIASEC types (realistic, investiga- tive, artistic, social, enterprising, and conventional), as shown in Table 14.1.

Table 14.1: Holland’s six basic vocational types

Personality type Characteristics Matching careers

Realistic Likes to solve concrete problems, work with hands and tools, to build. Enjoys physical labor. Practical, athletic, techni- cal. Social activity jobs do not appeal. Traits: Stable, practical, independent

Firefighter, repair and construction worker, farmer, physical therapist, police officer, architect, chef, nurse.

Investigative Likes to solve puzzles and discover relationships; values scientific and intel- lectual jobs. Enjoys exploration of places and ideas. Leading and repetition are not desired. Traits: Analytical, technical, exacting

Lawyer, reporter, scientist, engineer, computer scientist, psychologist, profes- sor, mathematician, finance, physician, web developer, insurance adjuster.

Artistic Values self-expression and creative jobs. Structure and repetitive jobs do not appeal. Traits: Independent, spontaneous, expressive, creative

Actor, artist, dancer, graphic designer, fashion designer, marketer, public rela- tions worker, set designer, composer, photographer.

Social Enjoys working with people, solving social problems, and interacting with others in a cooperative manner. Jobs involving machines, animals, or isolated work do not appeal. Traits: Sociable, cooperative, empathic, friendly

Doctor, nurse, and other healthcare workers; teacher and others in educa- tion; therapist, theologian, human rela- tions, psychologist, childcare worker.

Enterprising Likes to persuade, influence, and man- age. Values jobs emphasizing energy, ambition, competition, and social inter- action. Does not like solitary jobs and those that have a lot of precise, system- atic activities. Traits: Ambitious, assertive, energetic, persuasive

Politician, lawyer, manager, stockbroker, public relations worker, salesperson or buyer, bartender, administrator, realtor.

Conventional Likes to work with data, numbers, and words. Values good organiza- tion and jobs emphasizing system- atic approaches and concrete plans. Jobs that require ambiguous ideas or unstructured activities do not appeal. Traits: Detailed, conscientious, logical

Accountant, payroll clerk, copyeditor, actuary, technical writer, investment banker, chief financial officer, banker, legal secretary.

Source: Holland, J. L. (1997).

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Section 14.2 The Meaning of Work

According to Holland (1997), we can categorize every vocational interest with a combination of the six occupational themes (or codes), corresponding to six kinds of work environments. For instance, we would direct a creative person to a job in the arts; a social person might be suited to the education field; someone who embraces organization and leadership may enjoy public administration. Rather than one specific vocational category, every person is a unique blend of the six types and is usually described by three of the six RIASEC types. For instance, if a person’s three highest scores are realistic (R), investigative (I), and social (S), then that person’s vocational type is RIS (Realistic, Investigative, Social). An individual with an RIS type might be directed to mechanical engineering, which includes elements of design, develop- ment, building, and testing mechanical devices.

Support for the RIASEC model was found in a study of nearly 50,000 ethnic minorities separated into 10 groups by ethnicity and gender. Among all 10 groups, there were consistent patterns of vocational interest (Day & Rounds, 1998). The authors compared their findings to the universal nature of vocational interest as outlined by McCrae and Costa’s trait theory of personal-

ity, and concluded that, “people of different ethnicities and sexes hold the same cognitive map of the world of work when the structures of their preferences are examined” (p. 734). Their research appears to support the idea that vocational interests develop as a natural comple- ment to personality development.

Evaluation of Holland Although Holland’s work has been adapted to use in multiple languages around the world, some have questioned its applicability in the global economy. Like Super’s theory, it tends to be biased toward those from higher SES groups (Brown, 1990). According to the Holland model, individuals can choose their vocations; career counseling is designed to help adults maximize their options. However, this perspective may only be meaningful to those in the industrialized world who can afford to be choosy about what they do for work (Coutinho, Dam, & Blustein, 2008). The pursuit of a “career” is less important to those who need to take any job that will help pay bills. Further, the assumption that work and career achievement is key to identity development is not as relevant among women and ethnically diverse groups (Cook, Heppner, & O’Brian, 2002; O’Neill, Shapiro, Ingols, & Blake-Beard, 2013). Some groups care as much or more about their roles as family and community members than they do their work roles. And occupational barriers (including stereotypes), whether self-imposed or soci- etal, may limit job choices and their connection to adult development.

Another obvious weakness in Holland’s model is that not everyone who takes a vocational inventory is at the same developmental level. That is, a college student and a middle-aged adult with similar vocational profiles are likely to be quite different developmentally. Although vocational interests overall are moderately stable, there still can be substantial fluctuation, especially between ages 30 and 40 (Low, Yoon, Roberts, & Rounds, 2005). It is also possible to match vocational interests without accounting for other important factors, like how moti- vated a person is to do a particular job and how much it pays (Schwartz, 1992). For instance, becoming an artist may be the appropriate outlet for an individual’s personality, but it may not offer the necessary financial rewards.

Critical Thinking

Explain how a mechanical engineer might test relatively high on realistic, investiga- tive, and social factors.

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Section 14.3 Motivation and Job Satisfaction

14.3 Motivation and Job Satisfaction In general there is a moderate relationship between job satisfaction and performance. How- ever, psychologists differ in the way in which satisfaction is measured. We cannot equally apply results from specific occupational fields, income levels, cultures, or nationalities (Dug- guh & Dennis, 2014; Faye et al., 2013; Schleicher, Watt, & Greguras, 2004). Regardless of the data, when opportunities are varied, workers must strike a balance between the nature of the work, the tangible rewards it offers, and perhaps the intangible rewards, like social relationships.

Intrinsic Versus Extrinsic Rewards and Work Super’s life-span model and Holland’s codes incorporate ecological variables to some degree, but their strengths for career counselors and individuals really rest with the search for congru- ency between personality develop- ment and occupation. When job satis- faction relies on gaining pleasure out of the work itself, psychologists say there are intrinsic factors that govern motivation. Intrinsic motivational fac- tors occur in any job activity that “feels good” to perform. They may involve manipulating numbers, physical exer- tion, sitting at a desk, or remaining outdoors. Construction workers may gain intrinsic pleasure out of physical activities as well as the mental activi- ties of planning, creating, and the sat- isfaction of a completed project. Like- wise, veterinarians can gain satisfaction out of a combination of factors, including feeling empathy towards pet owners, problem solving, and helping animals. In each of these cases, intrinsic factors would serve to enhance identity and self-esteem, as they do in educational pursuits as well (Murphy & Roopchand, 2003; Vonk & Smit, 2012).

Extrinsic factors are not internal, but that does not mean they are mutually exclusive from intrinsic. In fact, regardless of the strength of intrinsic factors, extrinsic rewards are nearly always present, though they may not be particularly adequate. Money is the easiest example of an extrinsic reward; people are motivated to perform jobs because in return they receive

iStock/Thinkstock

Different people have different intrinsic motivations that will make them “feel good” about the activity or work they are performing.

Section Review Compare and contrast the theories of Super and Holland.

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Section 14.3 Motivation and Job Satisfaction

compensation. Other extrinsic rewards include working conditions, travel demands (or opportunities), and the social environment. When people make more money, they are receiv- ing greater extrinsic rewards.

Not surprisingly, higher salaries are associated with increased happiness, but only up to a point. With regards to satisfaction through external rewards, once people reach a minimum level of comfort as a result of money, increased salary has little effect on happiness or stress reduction (Kahneman & Deaton, 2010). In the United States, emotional well-being and satis- faction increases until household income reaches about $75,000, and then flattens out. (Noss [2014], using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, estimates that the current median household income in the U.S. is $52,300; it varies by state from a low of $38,000 in Mississippi to a high of $72,500 in Maryland.)

Activity Compile a list of both intrinsic and extrinsic factors that have motivated your work and educa- tional choices up until now. How do you know when you have struck the right balance?

Job Satisfaction It should not be surprising that job satisfaction is correlated with overall health and well- being. Conversely, a higher level of depression is associated with lower job satisfaction, especially for women (Judge & Hurst, 2008; Kawada & Yamada, 2012a; Kawada & Yamada, 2012b). Although it is intuitively appealing to assume that people are depressed because they do not like their jobs, there is stronger evidence that depressed people are dissatisfied in gen- eral, and their mood affects job satisfaction. It is also likely that positive mood and optimism will engender success and, ultimately, job satisfaction (Dugguh & Dennis, 2014; Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005; Seligman, 1990). In addition, when salary, security, and authority rise in middle age, intrinsic satisfaction increases. (Recall that emotional well-being does not signifi- cantly increase after household income rises above $75,000.) Perhaps fewer outside concerns allow people to concentrate on the job for its own sake, leading to greater enjoyment.

Therefore, established professionals are characterized by “higher work satisfaction, positive work motivation, social and professional expertise, mature social relations, and responsibil- ity” (Dittman-Kohli, 2005, p. 344). This finding is true for both men and women. Those who say their jobs allow them more initiative and independent judgment are more satisfied, show more self-confidence and creativity, and have a brighter outlook at home (Sterns & Huyck, 2001).

Section Review Describe the differences between intrinsic and extrinsic motivators. How do these relate to job satisfaction?

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14.4 Gender and Work As discussed earlier, gender affects what people learn about social roles and relationships from parents, peers, authority figures, culture, and society. Questions remain about how those socialization factors play into career selection. Cultural attitudes, institutional traditions, and individual choices eventually influence salaries and standard of living, as well as pay equity between the sexes. Findings from a large study of 608 men and 515 women showed that men and women value the same aspects of work but ranked them differently. Men rated pay, benefits, power, authority, and status more highly than women did. Women rated recogni- tion, respect, communication, fairness, and collaboration more highly than men did (Peter- son, 2004).

Researchers have long suggested that these kinds of factors lead men and women to have dif- ferent experiences in the workplace. Throughout history, boys have been trained for future employment; occupational achievement is a newer phenomenon for women. Leadership hierarchies were traditionally only available to men. Women with certain traits have been viewed differently from men with the same traits. For example, people may appraise a man as a strong leader, while they may view a woman who acts in a similar manner as abrasive and unfriendly. Further, compared to men, women attempt to build consensus, which is generally viewed as a positive trait. However, this approach may make women appear weak and indeci- sive unless they are in a top leadership role (Gilligan, 1982; Rosette and Tost, 2010).

Gender plays a role in unemployment too, as traditional gender roles remain pervasive (For- ret, Sullivan, & Mainiero, 2010). Among both Gen Xers (born between 1970 and 1980) and Baby Boomers (born between 1946 and 1964), men with children are more likely than women with children to feel defeated because of unemployment. Men with children may experience unemployment as failure because of the long-standing societal norm that men should provide for their families, even though more women than ever are in the workforce. More women than men view unemployment as an opportunity instead of loss. Men are more likely to draw their sense of identity primarily from work and women from their multiple roles.

Occupational Gender Segregation Though attitudes that impact how we view men and women at work have existed in the United States for many decades, there has certainly been a cultural shift that promotes equal- ity in the workplace. One of the barriers to equality in the workplace is occupational gender segregation, which refers to the number of occupations that are dominated by either men or women. For example, more engineers are men and more nurses are women. Socialization with regard to gender norms still influences the occupational decisions that men and women make (Alon & DiPrete, 2015; Hegewisch, Liepmann, Hayes, & Hartmann, 2010). Without a gender-blind orientation to work (among employers and job-seekers), occupational gender segregation will continue to stereotype “men’s jobs” and “women’s jobs.” The lopsided ratios that occur in some occupations have more to do with gender roles than with ability. Never- theless, even parents continue to foster stereotyped gender roles when promoting skills and activities related to career choices (Archer, DeWitt, & Wong, 2014; van Tuijl & van der Molen, 2015).

The social messages that direct men and women toward divergent educational paths and careers have become much less pronounced in recent years. For instance, beginning in 1993

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P er

ce n

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f w

o m

en

Occupation

Pi pe

lay er

s, plu

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Section 14.4 Gender and Work

(for law schools) and 2003 (for medical schools), women and men comprised nearly equal numbers of students and graduates, though the proportion of women has seen a recent decline (AAMC, 2012, 2015; ABA, 2012, 2015). Occupational gender segregation probably still accounts for some of the differences that exist between working men and women.

Although the cultural expectations for jobs in general have changed, there continue to be pro- fessions that women dominate, like speech and language pathologists, elementary and mid- dle school teachers, and social workers (see Figure 14.3); on the other hand, men continue to dominate the fields of aircraft pilots, firefighters, and engineers (BLS, 2015c).

Figure 14.3: Women as percentage of total employed in selected occupations,

2013

Some occupations continue to have higher percentages of women than others.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics [BLS]. (2015). Labor force statistics from the current population survey [Table 11]. Bureau of Labor Statistics: United States Department of Labor. Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat11.htm

0

20

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Pi pe

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s

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CEOs Board Seats

Executive/ Senior-Level Officials and Managers

First/Mid- Level

Officials and

Managers

S&P 500

Labor Force

45.0%

36.8%

25.1%

4.4%

19.2%

0

10

20

30

40

50

P er

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Section 14.4 Gender and Work

However, data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics also show that women now comprise about half of all high-paid management and professional jobs, such as financial or human relations managers, accountants and auditors, biological scientists, physical therapists, and public rela- tions managers. Importantly, although overall representation of women in the workforce is about equal to men, and more than half of all college graduates are women, they only main- tain 14.6% of leadership positions in large U.S. companies. Women occupied the position of chief executive officer at 22 of those companies in 2015—the highest number in history—but amounting to only 4.4% (see Figure 14.4; Catalyst, 2015a).

Figure 14.4: Percentage of women in Standard & Poor’s 500 companies

Of the companies represented in the S&P 500, women hold the highest position in only 22 of the companies.

Source: Based on Catalyst. Pyramid: Women in S&P 500 Companies. New York: Catalyst, December 10, 2015.

CEOs Board Seats

Executive/ Senior-Level Officials and Managers

First/Mid- Level

Officials and

Managers

S&P 500

Labor Force

45.0%

36.8%

25.1%

4.4%

19.2%

0

10

20

30

40

50

P er

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e

The Wage Gap The lack of gender equity in positions of power contributes to a gender wage gap: a differ- ence in earnings between men and women. According to 2013 data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, women who usually work full-time earn about 82% of what full-time working men earn (see Figure 14.5; BLS, 2014b). Politicians, including the current U.S. administration, often use a figure of 77% (The White House Council on Women and Girls, 2012; Whitehouse.gov, 2014). A study by the Association of American University Women (AAUW) found that one year after graduation with a bachelor’s degree, women now earn 82% of their male counterparts (Corbett & Hill, 2012). Regardless of which figure is used, the issue of the gender wage gap is much more complicated than a single number.

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78.9 82.1 89.4

100

80

40

20

0

60

P er

ce n

ta g

e

Married, Spouse present

Married, Spouse present, Children under 18

Total, All

women

Ages 25–34 years

Never married

Single, No children under 18

78.0

95.2 96.1

Section 14.4 Gender and Work

For instance, though there are marginally more female than male medical school graduates recently, there remain greater numbers of male physicians who have been established for longer periods of time. On average, male physicians are older and more experienced. Since increasing age is strongly associated with greater pay, on average, all male physicians earn more than all female physicians.

Years of occupational gender segregation contribute to institutionalized (built-in, as if it were normal and acceptable) inequity, but it is uncertain whether or not gender discrimination in pay exists. Whereas 74% of obstetrics and gynecology medical residents today are women, researchers expect that men will remain the majority of practicing physicians within this specialty until about 2020. Therefore, a “wage gap” exists between the older men and the younger women in this field, which is likely to change at some time in the future.

There are other gender differences as well. Among full-time workers, men work nearly an hour more per day on average (BLS, 2015e). More than men, women typically consider a wider range of jobs (including those that pay less) in order to remain more flexible for chil- dren. In contrast, men tend to seek more money when beginning a family, perhaps sacrific- ing comfort for increased extrinsic rewards. For instance, more surgeons are male, and this

Figure 14.5: Women’s earnings as a percentage of men’s for full-time

employees, 2013

Clearly a gender wage gap exists, but employment data cannot be easily boiled down to one number; it is a much more complicated issue. The different lifestyles that men and women choose are only one factor that makes simple comparisons difficult.

Source: Perry, M. J. (2014). New BLS report on women’s earnings: Most of the 17.9% gender pay gap in 2013 is explained by age, marriage, hours worked. American Enterprise Institute. Retrieved from https://www.aei.org/publication/new-bls-report -womens-earnings-17-9-gender-pay-gap-2013-explained-age-marriage-hours-worked/

78.9 82.1 89.4

100

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40

20

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60

P er

ce n

ta g

e

Married, Spouse present

Married, Spouse present, Children under 18

Total, All

women

Ages 25–34 years

Never married

Single, No children under 18

78.0

95.2 96.1

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Section 14.4 Gender and Work

medical specialty is notoriously inflexible. Women occupy more service jobs, whereas men have relatively more jobs that carry risk, like trucking and construction. Clearly there is a tradeoff between salary and flexibility, which is probably pursued differently among men and women.

Even when men and women pursue the same jobs, on average, women have less schooling, more time away from the job market, and are more likely to work at nonprofits or other relatively lower-paying jobs (O’Neill & O’Neill, 2013). These findings are consistent with the earlier suggestion regarding differences in materialism and emotionality between men and women. When incorporating these differences in experience, including varied work environ- ments and years of experience, women earn 96% of what men earn (BLS, 2014b).

The wage gap has even reversed in some specific fields (like engineering) among recent col- lege graduates (the wage gap continues to strongly favor men among seasoned engineers). And when considering adults who work fewer than 35 hours (classified as part time), women usually enjoy a premium in pay over men as well (BLS, 2014b). One of the reasons for this disparity is much the same as for other wage differences: Male part-time workers are sig- nificantly younger (and less experienced) than female part-time workers. As the U.S. Depart- ment of Labor concluded after an examination of over 50 studies, “The differences in raw wages may be almost entirely the result of the individual choices being made by both male and female workers” (CONSAD, 2009, p. 2, emphasis added).

Therefore, the discrepancy in pay appears to at least partly arise out of the way that we define equality and the wage gap. Furthermore, although men get more pay raises than women in equal positions, they also ask for more of them. And men appear to be better negotiators (Corbett & Hill, 2012). It is difficult to determine whether these behavioral disparities in the workplace are due to institutionalized discrimination (e.g., a workplace pattern that has sup- ported different “asking behaviors”), differences in early socialization (boys, more than girls, are taught to be assertive), or due to an inherent difference in the emotions and behaviors of the sexes. For example, women have a stronger distaste for competition, which perpetuates occupational gender segregation and the wage gap, but also has roots in both biological and socializing factors. Accordingly, women’s dislike of competition decreases their educational attainment and consequent occupational expectations and performance (Buser, Niederle, & Oosterbeek, 2012; McGee, McGee, & Pan, 2015; Ors, Palomino, & Peyrache, 2013).

Assessing Gender Inequality in the Workplace Though the long legacy of gender inequity in work is undeniable, recent trends and new data analyses point to a more complex picture. Though data support at least some residual dis- crimination in the workplace, determining the exact nature of other factors is open to inter- pretation. If women are in fact making informed decisions to obtain the healthier lifestyle associated with more schedule flexibility and less workplace risk, then the gender wage gap is not as malicious as some make it out to be. Also, family-friendly policies may serve companies better, rather than negatively affecting their profit. On the other hand, implicit social pres- sures that might steer women toward lower paying jobs is quite problematic.

In order to best utilize the full talents of women in the workplace, there are some issues that should be addressed. One report suggests that there are four overriding obstacles to gender equity in the workplace (Barsh & Lee, 2011):

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Section 14.5 Family and Work

1. Structural: There is a lack of access to informal networks, including female models and sponsors.

2. Lifestyle: Women are indeed concerned that higher-level positions will impede fam- ily time—an issue that is becoming increasingly important for fathers as well.

3. Imbedded institutional mindsets: Occupational gender segregation is still present among some managers.

4. Imbedded individual mindsets: On average, women are less satisfied in their careers than men, so their desire to move to the next level in less satisfactory jobs is not as strong as men’s desire. Therefore, men pursue higher-level positions with more drive.

These suggestions are another indication of the importance of reassessing what was once— and perhaps might still seem—a simple conclusion: “Employers pay women less money than men.” Considering multiple factors and perspectives is crucial, not only to remedy the ineq- uity that still exists in the workplace, but also to better assess the impact of gender on our lives overall.

Section Review How do gender roles affect occupation selection, work expectations, and the wage gap?

14.5 Family and Work Recall the discussion in Chapter 13 on adult partners. As the culture of marriage and adult love relationships has changed, the way in which we interact with work and career has fol- lowed suit. In this way, both institutional and personal variables contribute to the reasons why people pursue different career paths. But there are special challenges once we do settle into any particular family structure. In this section, we will more closely examine another part of this equation: family.

Single-Parent Families The stress of family on employment is partially understood by employment data. In only 3.4% of married-couple families with children are both parents unemployed. But among single- parent fathers, the unemployment rate is 18% and jumps to 31% for single-parent mothers (BLS, 2015a). These figures indicate individual and social challenges. The relatively large per- centages are due to both individual circumstances and personal choices. While some parents might be more motivated to look for work in order to provide for their children, others may eschew employment in order to care for their children. Intervention strategies need to take these individual differences into account.

Because of high unemployment and other personal and social factors, there is a strong asso- ciation between single-parent families and poverty. With 40% of children born to unmarried women (and 69% of children born to women 18 to 24 years), we cannot ignore continuing social implications (Hamilton, Martin, Osterman, & Curtin, 2015). In addition, there is a much

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Section 14.5 Family and Work

higher incidence of children of single-parent families becoming single parents themselves, perpetuating a cycle of poverty. Although young mothers who drop out of school fall behind their same-age peers who delayed childbirth, later persistence can put them on the same (though deferred) career path. The key to initially breaking the cycle of poverty is to delay future births and continue education (Cavazos-Rehg et al., 2010).

Division of Labor in Two-Parent Families One reason that women may work fewer hours and derive less pleasure from work than men is the amount of work they do at home. Before having children, working women perform a larger share of household duties; after giving birth, the imbalance typically becomes even more exaggerated. Though men assume more household duties than in the past, working women still perform a much larger share of them, often harboring latent anger and resent- ment because of it (Lachance-Grzela & Bouchard, 2010; Sperlich, Peter, & Geyer, 2012). When an imbalance in responsibilities leads to resentment, marital stress and conflict is the likely

result. These trends are consistent in countries outside of the United States as well. For instance, although Spanish men increased their share of home duties by 35% during an 8-year span in the 1990s, working wives remain responsible for the majority of housework and childcare activities (Larranaga, Arregui, & Arpal, 2004). However, actual division of labor may be less important than a person’s per- ception of discrepant roles. This indicates more of a communication problem, reflecting a lack of appre- ciation, rather than a measure that can be quanti- fied (Goldberg & Perry-Jenkins, 2004).

Household division of labor remains multidimen- sional and is perhaps best viewed from a lifespan perspective. Though there are considerable cultural variations, over the course of many marriages, the division of labor changes to become more balanced. Nevertheless, in many countries it is typical for women to be unaware of any lack of fairness, even though they clearly take on more responsibilities than their husbands (Lam, McHale, & Crouter, 2012; Nakamura & Akiyoshi, 2015).

Stay-at-Home Parents It is difficult to know how many married parents stay at home with their children while their spouses are in the labor force. Alternate estimates use employment data, census data, and polling data, which each yield different results. According to census data, an estimated 16% of stay-at-home parents are fathers. Even during the severe economic downturn of the late 2000s, the number of parents who did not work outside the home remained steady at about 24% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). In the past, one common belief has been that stay-at-home mothers may experience a lack of meaning and identity—a belief that sometimes blends into

moodboard/Thinkstock

Despite men taking on more household responsibilities than in the past, women still shoulder a majority of the duties.

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Section 14.6 Race, Ethnicity, and Work

the mythical midlife crisis. However, how satisfied a woman is with her role as a stay-at-home mother depends on what she prefers to do. For example, women who choose to stay at home because they do not want a job report few experiences of depression. On the other hand, women who are staying home but would prefer to work report more experiences of depres- sion (Usdansky, Gordon, Wang, & Gluzman, 2012). Given the cost of childcare, there may be economic reasons that contribute to a woman’s decision to leave the labor force after having children.

A growing trend is for fathers to remain at home caring for young children and for mothers to pursue a career. The decision to have the father stay at home is generally driven by practical and economic reasons. Shifts in career options for women might mean that a mother has greater earning potential for the family, which could push the father into a caregiving role. Some stay-at-home fathers report they value being at home with their children and find they have more gender equity in all aspects of family life (Chesley, 2011; Kramer, Kelly, & McCull- och, 2015). In a study of 207 stay-at-home fathers, about half said that when out in public they have had an unpleasant experience as their child’s caretaker, such as distrust from mothers on a playground or comments that reflected general prejudice toward men in what is consid- ered a traditional female role. Higher levels of social support have contributed to a more posi- tive experience for caregiving fathers, but the public remains much more supportive of stay- at-home mothers than stay-at-home fathers (Rochlen, McKelley, & Whittaker, 2010; Wang, Parker, & Taylor, 2013).

Section Review How does the combination of family and work affect identity development?

14.6 Race, Ethnicity, and Work A good example of the intersection of culture, race, and vocational identity occurs when analyzing occupational levels across ethnic groups. Among full-time employed men, 51% of Asians work in management or professional positions, compared to 39% of whites, 29% of blacks, and 20% of Hispanics (BLS, 2015b). The gap between women of different racial groups is narrower, but follows the same pattern (see Figure 14.6). The question remains whether these differences are due primarily to disparities in educational opportunities, family and cultural factors, workplace cultures, individual variables, or institutional discrimination.

Most research on occupational choices among racial and ethnic groups has focused on inequi- ties rather than direct developmental issues such as vocational identity and lifestyle choices. There is no doubt that ethnicity and race impact vocational development as a whole, but there are other variables that we can examine. Socioeconomic status, access to appropriate role models, and availability of community resources (e.g., career counselors) typically guide behavior (Thompson & Subich, 2011).

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0%

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Men

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Asian

Occupation

Women Men

White

Women Men

Hispanic or Latino ethnicity

Women Men

Black or African American

Women

80%

100%

52.5

15.9

6.0

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Production, transportation, and material moving

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13.0 13.4

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32.0

21.6 27.9

20.120.9

Section 14.6 Race, Ethnicity, and Work

Figure 14.6: Employed Americans by occupation, sex, race, and Hispanic or

Latino identity, 2014

There are large occupational disparities among different racial and ethnic groups. What are some possible reasons behind these differences?

Source: From Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor. (2015). Labor force statistics from the current population survey [Table 10]. Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat10.htm

0%

20%

40%

60%

P er

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Men

Note: Data for persons 16 years and over (in thousands).

Asian

Occupation

Women Men

White

Women Men

Hispanic or Latino ethnicity

Women Men

Black or African American

Women

80%

100%

52.5

15.9

6.0

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16.3

17.9

16.9

17.0

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26.0

21.6

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1.8

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12.0

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29.5

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30.6

0.9 5.1

48.7

23.2

0.4 6.9

Management, professional, and related

Sales and office

Natural resources, construction, and maintenance

Production, transportation, and material moving

Service

13.0 13.4

21.2

32.0

21.6 27.9

20.120.9

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Section 14.7 Retirement

Race and ethnicity do not appear to influence the career dreams that young people have. There are differences, though, in their perceptions about opportunities and barriers to achieving career aspirations. Racial and ethnic minority students may have the knowledge and skills they need to achieve their employment goals, but they may not believe that they will be accepted in the career they have chosen. Career counselors may not promote certain pursuits because they also see them as being out of reach for racial and ethnic minority stu- dents (Ali & Menke, 2014; Fouad & Byars-Winston, 2005).

In general, it is difficult to separate socioeconomic variables from cultural variables, since SES tends to cluster by race and ethnicity. Positive role models, family, and neighborhood support, for instance, affect career goals. By definition, people in a high SES get exposure to educational models and resources to pursue the widest range of careers. Wealthier people form larger social connections, which expand opportunities further. Children from lower SES families often do not have the knowledge or resources to pursue the same educational and career goals.

There are barriers to advancement among some groups of minorities, but it is difficult to separate institutional variables from those that are cultural and individual. For instance, com- pared to other racial groups, more black youths grow up in single-parent homes and lower- income neighborhoods, do poorer academically, have higher rates of school absenteeism, and are involved in more crime. However, research indicates that black youths still aspire to attend college and establish a career at the same rate as other minority groups (Lee et al., 2011). Consequently, researchers need to use data to acknowledge challenges facing high-risk youth and develop interventions to promote career and educational goals, instead of focusing strictly on data that separate groups by race and ethnicity.

Section Review How do race and ethnicity influence career paths?

14.7 Retirement The combination of uncertain government benefits, fewer employer-sponsored pension plans, longer lifespans, and increased health has changed the landscape and concept of retirement. Some people extend their working years past the traditional retirement age out of neces- sity or because of personal fulfillment. And the abolishment of mandatory retirement ages in most industries has opened opportunities for experienced workers to continue working in their fields (see Figure 14.7).

Like vacation days and other forms of leisure, retirement is a relatively new concept. For most of history, work was not distinctive from overall development, and people did not consider it a way to afford leisure time, as they often do now. If people were alive, they worked, unless they were independently wealthy. If they were physically unable to plow fields or travel, they took up less physically demanding activities. Germany established the first program to help older individuals in 1889. It was designed to provide government assistance for those who

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1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014

Average expected retirement age among nonretired adults

Average age 63

60 63 64 64

64 64

65 65 65 66 66 6667

Section 14.7 Retirement

were unable to work due to physical disability or age (SSA, 2013). The age at which benefits began was initially set at 70 and then changed to 65 in 1916. Though unrelated to the German system, when the Social Security Act was established in the United States in 1935, it too used 65 as the retirement age. At that time expected longevity was 60 years, so many people did not live long enough to retire at age 65.

Today, 65-year-olds are not the same as they were in 1935. We have more knowledge about disease prevention, more safeguards against accidental death, fewer smokers, and we have additional technological advances to prevent death and disability. These advances have been partially responsible for average life expectancy rising more than 15 years since 1935. Instead of a few years of leisure, on average, both men and women who live to 65 will survive into their 80s. As a result, the age of eligibility to receive Social Security benefits has begun to rise. Individuals born between the years 1943 and 1954 will be eligible for full benefits at age 66. Individuals born after 1967 will be eligible when they are 67.

Retirement Age Compulsory retirement rules based on age governed about half of U.S. workers in the 1960s. When the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) became law in 1967, it became illegal to not hire someone, or to fire them, on the basis of age. However, it still took another 27 years until mandatory retirement rules were completely phased out for professions with tenure, like teachers and professors (Causey & Lahey, 2013). Because ADEA made age dis- crimination lawsuits easier to file, it has also had the unintended consequence of causing employers to hire fewer older workers to begin with (Lahey, 2008). Laws continue to vary throughout the world that impact the age of retirement. Whereas Canada and the United States have no national laws, compulsory retirement remains common in many European countries (Peiró, Tordera, & Potočnik, 2013).

Figure 14.7: Changes in retirement age

In 2015, 37% of people in the United States said they expect to retire after age 65. This is up from 12% in 1995.

Source: Adapted from Jones, J. M. (2012). Expected retirement age in U.S. up to 67: Average expected retirement age was 60 in mid- 1990s. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/154178/expected-retirement-age.aspx; and Riffkin, R. (2014). Average U.S. retirement age rises to 62. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/168707/average-retirement-age-rises.aspx

1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014

Average expected retirement age among nonretired adults

Average age 63

60 63 64 64

64 64

65 65 65 66 66 6667

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The ADEA ban on discrimination against older workers excludes occupations that involve public safety, like firefighters, law enforcement officers, and airline pilots. Even so, retirement ages in those fields have been set arbitrarily, rather than by scientifically supported safety measures. For instance, in 2007, the mandatory retirement age for commercial airline pilots in the United States was increased from 60 to 65, but that number was still chosen subjec- tively rather than scientifically. Since the “Age 60 Rule” was abolished, air traffic safety has not been negatively affected (GAO, 2009), so perhaps 67 or 69.5 would be equally safe. Without objective criteria, it is difficult to compare individual abilities and circumstances.

For most people, there is no ideal age to retire. Recall that data from the Seattle Longitudinal Study show that cognitive abilities do not decline on average until beyond age 60, and that even by age 81 no universally predictable pattern of reduced abilities is observed. In fact, companies routinely rely on senior workers with specific expertise to provide consultation. These findings have important implications for retirement, as there seems to be no evidence to support a universal model of retirement.

In addition, older workers are sometimes forced into retirement due to the misperception that they underperform their younger counterparts. There is no evidence that this is the case (Malinen & Johnston, 2013). When companies consolidate or downsize their workforce, older workers typically take longer to be reemployed. The preference for younger workers is part of the larger issue of ageism, the practice of discrimination based solely on age. Especially among younger people, older people are often prejudged as a group instead of on individual merits. As a result, adults who are simply middle aged can be lumped together with the very old, who are thought of as frail and incapable of thinking clearly or learning new skills (North & Fiske, 2013).

The Transition to Retirement During the years leading up to a ces- sation of work, there are two general concerns for adults: how to fill the hours that they previously occupied with work and how to afford retire- ment. Especially for those who do not have a regular schedule of leisure activities, retirement can be quite stressful. Identity development and engaging in a pathway to fulfill a need for generativity shift from the work- place to retirement activities. Since so much of identity and self-worth can be tied to occupation, some may struggle to redefine their personal value.

Increasingly, retirement is best thought of as a transitional process rather than an event. Many retirees in their 60s and 70s will continue to work after they have retired from their full-time jobs. Since life expectancies are increasing, if retirement age stays at 65, retirees could spend up to a third of their life in retirement. A recent survey

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Transitioning to retirement may include shifting from a full-time job to a part-time or consulting position.

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of Baby Boomers (born between 1946 and 1964) showed that 70% of them plan on working at least part-time in retirement (Adams & Beehr, 2003). Bridge employment refers to shift- ing from career jobs to part-time jobs or self-employment. This trend enables older workers to exit the labor force gradually. A move from career to bridge employment can involve a change in occupations, industry, or both. In academia, for instance, professors often move out of teaching and begin to engage in pet research projects or additional writing. Like those in business and industry, they may take part-time consulting positions. In this way, work con- tinues to offer structure and meaning. Some have therefore suggested a reinvention of the concept of retirement, challenging the conventional notion of a distinct period (Sargent, Lee, Martin, & Zikic, 2013).

Personal factors like health, desire for additional income, and employment opportunities impact the decision to continue working. In addition, bridge employment typically allows more control over the number of hours older workers choose to work so that retirees can more freely engage in leisure activities. Institutionally, bridge employment allows employ- ers to retain highly skilled workers. At the societal level, bridge employment serves an eco- nomic function by giving older workers a source of supplemental income, which potentially reduces poverty and reliance on public support. In the United States and elsewhere, people who engage in bridge employment report that they are generally more satisfied with retire- ment and life in general compared to those who retire and do not continue to do some type of paid work (Dingemans & Henkens, 2015; Topa, Depoto, Moriano, & Morales, 2009).

When adults do refer to themselves as retired, they still tend to define themselves by an occu- pational title. However, rather than a former job description that imposes a limitation on identity, research has found that there is more identity diversity after retirement. Retirees generally expand their sense of identity to include current interests in addition to their pre- vious work. Retirement status, along with work identity, contributes to a positive attitude toward aging and allows older adults to look back on their lives with a sense of integrity (Teuscher, 2010).

Income in Retirement Baby boomers are the next generation reaching retirement age. This group is expected to have higher incomes and lower poverty rates than the current generation of retirees. Social Security benefits will account for about two fifths of boomers’ income at age 67; the average family income at age 67 will increase from about $29,000 a year for people who are currently retired to $44,000 for early boomers and $48,000 for late boomers (Butrica, Iams, & Smith, 2003).

Researchers estimate that the spending of a retired person is about 80% of what the indi- vidual made while working (Binswanger & Schunk, 2009). At any given point in time, only half of employees in the private sector have a retirement plan of any type. The primary ways to deal with retirement needs are to save while working, remain in the workforce longer, or live on less after retirement. Most baby boomers have not saved enough for retirement; thus, they need to consider the other two ways to deal with retirement needs. Additional years of working can offset lack of savings (Munnell & Sass, 2009). Working longer seems to be a recent demographic trend. In 1996, 55% of men and 34% of women between the ages of 65 to 69 worked full time, compared to 70% of men and 53% of women in 2007 (Blieszner & Bedford, 2012).

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Section 14.8 Living Arrangements After Retirement

Psychology in Action: Saving for Retirement

The ability to have a successful retirement from a financial perspective depends on planning. Even though retirement may last for 15 to 20 years or more, most people nearing retirement have not adequately prepared. With the questionable long-term solvency of Social Security and the decline in funded pension plans, individuals would be well served to take responsibil- ity for their own financial futures.

Bryan and Hershfield (2012) highlight two ways that people can be motivated to save for the future. One idea is to appeal to the logic that money for the future is essential. That argument is well known, but often does not register well. On the other hand, Bryan and Hershfield found that if you carefully consider the moral and social implications of providing for your future self, you will be more inclined to realize your long-term financial goals. They approached uni- versity employees and focused on two messages: (1) It is in the employees’ best interest to save for retirement, and (2) people are responsible for their future selves (in the same way you might consider yourself responsible for the lives of your children or your parents in the future). Later, the researchers gathered information about how much money the participants had chosen to save after hearing the two messages. The logical message appealing to self- interest had virtually no effect on saving. Conversely, those who felt a social connection to their future selves were much more likely to invest in their retirement. This study suggests that to protect yourself from financial hardship it is important to connect to your future identity rather than as another person in some disconnected future. This psychological process allows you to make a psychosocial connection to your future self and provide responsibly.

Section Review How have perspectives about retirement age changed over time? Describe some of the chal- lenges associated with transitioning to retirement.

14.8 Living Arrangements After Retirement As with planning for retirement in general, we benefit from anticipating how lifestyle or living arrangements may change in the latter parts of the lifespan. An important consideration for life after work is where we will live. Contrary to the stereotype, few people will live out their lives in a nursing home. Although there are substantial variations by culture and SES, many older people remain in their own homes or live with relatives. This section explores some of the typical arrangements available to adults in their retirement years.

Independent/Retirement Living Seniors who no longer want the stress of home repair, meal preparation, and housekeeping often opt for independent living arrangements. These facilities are similar to condominiums or hotels. The newest model for senior living is a combination independent living/assisted living facility. Independent residents occupy one part of the facility, and those who need more

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assistance occupy another part. When people require more care, they simply move “down the hall” to a new residence or contract for additional services. Most importantly, their daily activities, friends, and dining and social networks are not disturbed. Whether one chooses independent, assisted living, or a combination, there are usually rooms for both singles and married couples.

Assisted Living Assisted living facilities are ideal for adults who can no longer care for themselves in one or more areas. Residents’ needs vary: some simply need supervision to take medication prop-

erly, and others need assistance with daily hygiene and eating. These facili- ties provide all meals and transporta- tion; they also offer recreation. Ser- vices include communal meals and housekeeping. Good facilities have staff who lead exercise groups and plan outings. Professionals often visit to give lectures on topics of interest to seniors. There is always trained staff available at night, but a full-time nurse is not always present. For those who require more direct care, most facili- ties can accommodate personal full- time nursing for individual residents. A great many smaller assisted living facilities are simply converted houses or apartments that may blend into the neighborhood.

Adult Day Care Many people who care for an elderly parent are employed but feel that their parent needs more supervision during working hours. Adult day care can fill in the gap. These facilities provide activities, meals, and supervision for adults, just as childcare facilities provide for children. Some of these facilities serve adults who are high functioning but need some assis- tance with meals or transportation, and others cater to those who are lower functioning and need more focused attention. Staff varies with the amount of care that is necessary. The goal is the same, though: to provide a safe environment when primary caregivers are unavailable.

Nursing Homes/Skilled Nursing Facilities Modern nursing homes, or skilled nursing facilities, are really reserved for those who need constant care with daily living. Residents are not necessarily dying, but they usually have physical disabilities, are recovering from injuries or disease, or are in a state of terminal decline. There is licensed nursing staff on full-time duty as well as other professionals in areas like occupational and rehabilitative therapy. Nursing homes provide full-care services, includ- ing meals, housekeeping, help with medication, and rehabilitative therapy.

Stockbyte/Thinkstock

Assisted living facilities vary from retirement living because the residents need more supervision or assistance with various needs.

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Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary Work remains a significant part of identity development. Older theories on work and career development can be valuable, but are nevertheless limited. There are indeed circumstances that impact work life and job satisfaction that theories do not always take into account. These include individual gender, ethnic, and familial factors.

Educational and employment decisions have life-long implications, including on retirement. Work and its association to family contribute to a feeling of generativity, which leads to a sense of integrity in old age. Additionally, by educating themselves about retirement, liv- ing arrangements, and end-of-life issues, adults remain responsible for themselves as they approach the end of life, a subject we will explore next.

Summary of Key Concepts Education and Employment

• Education makes a tremendous difference in the job market, as having a college degree continues to be a key factor in gaining employment. The fastest growing industries, such as healthcare, technology, and engineering, require higher levels of education.

• Many adults return to school (or attend for the first time) because of job layoffs or the desire to advance. While they face unique obstacles, these students are most

Caring for Elders in Their Homes The majority of older adults remain in their homes and would like to stay there as long as pos- sible. There are now over 6 million adults aged 85 and over, a number that is projected to triple by 2040 (USDHHS, 2015). Because adults over the age of 85 are the most rapidly grow- ing segment of the U.S. population, there is rising popularity of personal care assistance. This industry has enabled older individuals who have cognitive disabilities or physical limitations to remain in their homes, a practice called aging-in-place. Public and private services are available to provide assisted care and transportation when necessary and services can be added as needs change. Personal care assistants help with activities such as meal preparation, light housekeeping, bathing, dressing, and grooming. At least 50% of people aged 85 and older need this type of assistance. Personal care assistants are often employees of agencies who connect the assistant with the person in need, but increasingly, more caregivers are fam- ily members. About 19% of the U.S. population provides some type of care for a family mem- ber over 50 years of age; the percentage of ethnic minorities who care for elderly relatives far exceeds that of whites (Haeg, 2013; Kirby & Lau, 2010). We will explore additional end-of-life issues in Chapter 15.

Section Review Describe some of the living arrangements available to older adults and identify the differences among each option.

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successful on the job market when they maintain a good attitude and high level of motivation.

• Adults today are likely to change jobs, which makes it important to build knowledge and skills that can transfer from one setting to another.

The Meaning of Work

• A career can be defined as the total constellation of psychological, social, educa- tional, physical, economic, and chance factors that together influence the work that people do over their lifetime. Work is both part of one’s identity and a way to survive financially.

• One’s options for work vary by individual, cultural, socioeconomic, and technological factors, as well as by life circumstances.

• Super’s life-span model suggested that self-concept is integrated with occupational experience. He theorized that people pass through five stages of career develop- ment: growth, exploration, establishment, maintenance, and deceleration. While influential, Super’s theory is not always generalizable to all individuals, because of its lack of a multicultural perspective.

• Holland’s theory of career development describes the interaction of individual traits and the working environment. Focusing on objective analysis of interests, intel- ligence, skills, and values, Holland identified six basic vocational types known as RIASEC (realistic, investigative, artistic, social, enterprising, conventional) types. Although Holland’s work has been widely adapted, some people question its applica- bility in the global economy and to people from lower socioeconomic groups.

Motivation and Job Satisfaction

• There is a moderate relationship between job satisfaction and performance. Both intrinsic factors (e.g., gaining pleasure in the work itself) and extrinsic factors (e.g., money and working conditions) govern job motivation.

• Job satisfaction is correlated with overall health and well-being, whereas low job satisfaction is associated with depression.

Gender and Work

• Women often have a different work experience than men due to biological, social, cultural, and historical factors.

• Occupational gender segregation contributes to stereotypical “men’s jobs” and “women’s jobs,” which have more to do with social perceptions of gender roles than with actual abilities. Even as cultural expectations change, women are more rep- resented than men in some fields (e.g., teaching), while men are more represented than women in other fields (e.g., engineering).

• The lack of gender equity in positions of power contributes to a gender wage gap, or the difference in earnings between men and women. Although men tend to be paid more and work more hours than women, there are also some instances of gender wage gap reversal.

• Although gender inequity in work is undeniable, recent trends point to a complex picture involving structural, lifestyle, institutional, and individual obstacles to achieving gender equity at work.

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Family and Work

• The employment status of adults with children indicates the stress of family on employment, as well as a strong association between single-parent families and poverty.

• Working women, including those with children, perform a greater share of house- hold duties, which can lead to feelings to resentment and marital stress.

• Over 5 million married parents (mostly women) stay at home with their children while their spouses are in the labor force.

Race, Ethnicity, and Work

• Vocational development and perceptions of job opportunities are impacted by eth- nicity and race, as well as other variables like socioeconomic status, access to appro- priate role models, and availability of community resources.

• Both socioeconomic and cultural variables affect career goals and create obstacles to advancement.

Retirement

• The combination of uncertain government benefits, fewer employer-sponsored pension plans, longer lifespans, and increased health has changed the landscape and concept of retirement. Many retirees in their 60s and 70s continue to work after they have retired from their full-time jobs.

• Whereas Canada and the United States have no national laws on the age of retire- ment, compulsory retirement remains common in many European countries.

• The ability to have a successful retirement from a financial perspective depends to a great extent on planning for retirement before it occurs.

• The living arrangements of older people include assisted living, independent/ retirement living, adult day care, nursing homes, caring for elders in their homes, and intergenerational proximity. Although there are substantial variations by culture and SES, many older people remain in their own homes or live with relatives.

Living Arrangements After Retirement

• The living arrangements of older people include assisted living, independent/retire- ment living, nursing homes, caring for elders in their homes, and aging-in-place.

• Although there are substantial variations by culture and SES, most older adults remain in their own homes or live with relatives.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. Which theory of vocational development makes the most sense to you? 2. Would you rather have an ideal career and a mediocre personal life or an ideal per-

sonal life and a mediocre career? Why do you think that many people sacrifice their personal lives for the sake of career and money?

3. One of the results of the analysis of the gender wage gap is that women and men often have different goals both in and out of the workplace. Is it equitable that differ- ent lifestyles result in different opportunities?

4. How might retirement affect one’s identity? 5. What are some useful questions to ask when planning living arrangements for some-

one elderly?

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Additional Resources Web Resources

• Bureau of Labor Statistics: The government’s Occupational Outlook Handbook http://www.bls.gov/ooh/

• Bureau of Labor Statistics: Information about women’s earnings http://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2013/ted_20131104.htm http://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/cps/highlights-of-womens-earnings-in-2013.pdf

• Catalyst: Information about women in business and creating an inclusive workplace http://www.catalyst.org/

• National Council on Aging https://www.ncoa.org/

Key Terms ageism The practice of discrimination based solely on age.

bridge employment A shift from career jobs to part-time jobs or self-employment that enables older workers to exit the labor force gradually.

extrinsic factors Things that motivate people to do a job (or other activity) that are not essential to the doing of the job; they come from outside the work itself (e.g., sal- ary, travel opportunities, or benefits).

gender wage gap The differences in earn- ings between men and women.

intrinsic factors Parts of a job (or other activity) that provide satisfaction in and of themselves and thereby motivate people to do it. Intrinsic motivational factors occur in any job activity that “feels good” to perform.

life-span model Super’s theory that self- concept is integrated with occupational experience; work is integral to reaching cognitive and psychosocial potential when it provides activities and goals that are consis- tent with a person’s self-concept.

occupational gender segregation The uneven ratios of men and women working in certain occupations. Men dominate some fields, such as engineering, and women dominate others, such as nursing.

RIASEC Categorization of vocational interests into six types: realistic, investi- gative, artistic, social, enterprising, and conventional.

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© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.http://www.bls.gov/ooh/http://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2013/ted_20131104.htmhttp://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/cps/highlights-of-womens-earnings-in-2013.pdfhttp://www.catalyst.org/https://www.ncoa.org/

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