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Psychosocial Development

For this journal assignment, reflect on the substance and theoretical foundation of what you have learned this week about psychosexual, moral, emotional, and personality development. Then write a reflective essay that addresses the following:

  • Comment on how this week’s learning and materials compliment, oppose, and/or affect change in your positions and attitudes on the relevant subject matter.
  • From this reflection, formulate and articulate three pieces of advice you would offer to a young client or acquaintance who is having difficulties facing these challenging stages and transitions.
  • How will the recommendations you offered help to ensure successful development along these lines?

Resources

Required Text

Mossler, R. A., & Ziegler, M. (2016). Understanding development: A lifespan perspective. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

  • Chapter 10: Psychosocial and Emotional Development
  • Chapter 11: Personality, the Self and Moral Development

Required References

Colorado Community Media. (2007). Bully prevention part of District 28 teachings. Retrieved from http://coloradocommunitymedia.com/stories/Bully-prevention-part-of-District-38-teachings,51506 (Links to an external site.)

Smith-Osborne, A. (2007). Life span and resiliency theory: A critical review. Advances in Social Work, 8(1), 152-168. Retrieved from http://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/advancesinsocialwork/article/view/138/139 (Links to an external site.)

Recommended References

Arnett, J.J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55(5), 469-480. doi: 10.1037//0003-066X.55.5.469

Finkelstein, S. (2006). 20/20: Exploring sexual orientation: Gay or straight, Part 3 [Video file]. New York, NY: CBS Corporation. Retrieved fromhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RGnZgC47SLA (Links to an external site.)

Meridian Education Corporation. (2006). Taking a stand: The bullying prevention series. [Pdf file]. Retrieved from http://fod.infobase.com/HTTP/29900/29938%20Bullies%202006%20TG.pdf

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10Psychosocial and Emotional Development

Fuse/Thinkstock

Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

• Describe attachment theory, how early attachment occurs, and variations in attachment relationships.

• Describe the emergence of positive and negative emotions.

• Discuss the process and purpose of social referencing and empathy, and their relationships to developing emotions.

• Identify examples of emotional regulation and potential influences of social and cultural variables.

• Explain how separation anxiety, stranger anxiety, and self-conscious emotions represent developmental advancements.

• List some of the behavioral signs of depression, and identify high-risk behaviors that are markers for poten- tial suicide.

• Summarize socioemotional selectivity theory and its relationship to emotional development.

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Prologue

Chapter Outline

Prologue

10.1 Attachment Attachment Theory Measuring Attachment Multiple Attachments and Diversity Fathers and Attachment Long-Term Effects of Attachment

10.2 The Development of Emotions Positive Emotions Negative Emotions Emotional Development and Culture

10.3 Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy Social Referencing Empathy

10.4 Emotional Regulation

10.5 The Growth of Emotional Expression Stranger Anxiety Separation Anxiety Self-Conscious Emotions Neuroscience and Emotions

10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence Depression Gender and Ethnic Difference in Depression Suicide

10.7 Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Summary & Resources

Prologue I once coached a basketball team of 11-year-old girls. It was a highly competitive league, but we were out to have fun as well. My slight, 4 1/2-foot-tall daughter was on the team, as was a girl she eventually befriended, Crystal, who was about a foot taller, about 50 pounds heavier, and well into puberty. Crystal could easily have passed for 16 years old. After one particularly hard practice, I gave a few of the girls hugs of encouragement as they were leaving. I did not really think anything of it at the time.

At the beginning of the next practice, Crystal’s mother made a point of letting me know that my hug had a tremendous impact on Crystal and later brought her mother to tears. Because of her size, adults rarely treated Crystal as the young child she was. Sometimes adult men would flirt with her or otherwise look at her in a way that was entirely inappropriate even for a teenager, let alone an 11-year-old. As a result, Crystal had changed from an outgoing child to one who was more withdrawn.

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Section 10.1 Attachment

Crystal’s emotional development was on par with that of my daughter. In nearly every way in which development is measured, Crystal and Mariana were identical, but you would not know it by looking at the two of them on a basketball court. Even though Crystal was able to throw around her size and weight to the team’s advantage, she still liked dolls, children’s music, and stuffed animals. My hug, and Mariana’s friendship, apparently allowed her to recapture the social and emotional processes that had become detoured. Her mother reported that the turnaround was immediate and sustained; Crystal had once again become more outgoing and child-like.

Beginning with this chapter, we will see that factors that directed Crystal’s social, emotional, and personality development are even harder to pinpoint than those related to physical and cognitive development. Although there are many universal aspects to psychosocial and emo- tional development, it is especially important to remain aware of the lasting effects of indi- vidual experiences, like Crystal’s.

10.1 Attachment Certainly there is an evolutionary advantage for adults to care for their children and to con- nect emotionally with them. But as explained earlier, since mothers were historically at risk during birth there is also an evolutionary advantage for any adult to bond with a neonate. And that appears to be the case. It turns out that the closeness that mothers feel toward their new- borns is the same feeling that fathers and other adults have too. Part of the response that both mothers and fathers feel is due to the production of the hormone oxytocin (Gordon, Zagoory- Sharon, Leckman, & Feldman, 2010). The same response occurs during other “love” behav- iors, such as a hug or a kiss. This initial bond that adults feel is essentially a one-way relation- ship (Roisman & Groh, 2011). Adults can experience this spontaneous emotional connection to many people, or even a pet. It is not the same thing as a sustained two-way relationship.

Instead, attachment describes a sustained, developmen- tal (rather than spontaneous) connection. It emerges as a result of a close relationship between a child and at least one caregiver, usually a parent. Although psycho- social attachment takes place due to biological and evo- lutionary mandates, the way it is expressed is almost entirely a function of the social environment. That is not to suggest that children are a tabula rasa (or blank slate) with regard to attachment. Instead, available adults, whose presence is independent of infants’ inter- nal states, determine the attachment relationships that children will make.

In a series of famous experiments with monkeys, Harry Harlow dramatically demonstrated the need for affection and comfort. In one experiment, Harlow separated baby rhesus mon- keys from their mothers soon after birth and provided nutrition only from a bottle. He soon noticed that the infant monkeys formed an attachment to the soft material that lined their cages. When the material was removed, the monkeys threw violent temper tantrums. It became obvious that food and other physiological needs were insufficient for proper growth.

Critical Thinking

Contrary to what many people think, babies do not automatically develop a preference for their biological mothers (or fathers) during the first months of infancy. In what way might this behavior have an evolutionary advantage?

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Section 10.1 Attachment

In a series of follow-up experiments, he first raised monkeys in a cage with a bare floor. Like humans who are denied appropriate emotional support and stimulation, those monkeys strug- gled even to survive. This research provided insight into the process of nonorganic failure to thrive, which is a phenomenon that sometimes occurs when children who receive sufficient nutrition nevertheless cease to grow. Cases are often multifaceted, how- ever, as children who are emotionally neglected are also sometimes denied proper nutrition and other forms of attention. Symptoms of nonorganic failure to thrive mimic the listlessness and underdevelopment of those suf- fering from severe malnutrition. These children do not always present any

biological cause for growth failure but begin to starve because they have been denied appro- priate affection, emotional support, and stimulation (Scholler & Nittur, 2012).

In another series of experiments, Harlow supplied wire-mesh cones and the babies did bet- ter. Finally, he covered the wire cones with soft terry cloth to form “surrogate” mothers and discovered that “husky, healthy, happy babies” emerged. Rather than mothers simply pro- viding sustenance through the breast, as Freud may have theorized, Harlow demonstrated that affection is indeed necessary for healthy development. “Above and beyond the bubbling fountain of breast or bottle, contact comfort might be a very important variable in the devel- opment of the infant’s affection for the mother” (Harlow, 1958, emphasis added). That is, the physical contact was deemed an essential factor in an infant’s sense of contentment.

Attachment Theory John Bowlby formulated attachment theory to help describe how early social experiences with primary caregivers affect relationships throughout the lifespan (Bowlby, 1969, 1973). Although Bowlby was influenced by psychodynamic theory, he dismissed the prevailing view that internal states were dependent on unconscious motivations. Instead, inspired by Konrad Lorenz’ ethological theory and the finding that early relationships in other animals are essen- tial to development, Bowlby focused on observable childhood phenomena. As a result, he the- orized that there are four phases of attachment, as outlined in Table 10.1. Bowlby recognized that babies at first have no preference for particular humans, but they begin to show strong emotional connections to adult caregivers beginning at 4 to 6 months. Bowlby used attach- ment theory to help explain how children who were physically separated from their parents thrived—or not—depending on how attached they became to alternate caregivers. His theory was instrumental in changing public policy about how children were treated during long hos- pital stays or other circumstances during which children and parents were separated.

Science Source/Getty Images

Through his research and experiments, Harlow demonstrated that affection is necessary for healthy development.

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Section 10.1 Attachment

Table 10.1: Phases of attachment

Phase Approximate period Attachment characteristics

Preattachment Birth to 6 weeks • Smiling, gazing, and crying encourage adult interaction (aids survival).

• No protest (separation anxiety) when usual caregiver departs.

Attachment-in-the-making 6 weeks to 6 months • Infants recognize familiar people; develop preferences.

• More prelinguistic communication with familiar people than with strangers.

• Few protests when usual caregiver departs.

Organized, goal-directed attachment

7 to 24 months • Children become upset when usual caregiver departs.

• Protests peak during early part of second year (see Figure 10.3).

Formation of reciprocal partnerships

Beginning at 24 months • Children understand object permanence (section 7.2) and know that parents will return.

• Negotiated relationships; “give-and-take” (e.g., read “one more story”).

• Protests diminish as autonomy increases.

Source: Bowlby (1969, 1973)

Measuring Attachment Mary Ainsworth expanded on Bowlby’s ideas while devising a method for measuring differ- ent types of attachment. She and her colleagues identified distinctive attachment styles in a laboratory process known as the Strange Situation. In this staged, standardized proce- dure, babies experience a series of separation-and-reunion episodes designed to measure the strength of an attachment relationship (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978). Ain- sworth documented the considerable variation in the ways that children react when they are reunited with their attachment figures. About one third of infants cannot be classified, but among the remainder, four patterns of attachment behavior are observed, which also mimic the ways that children behave at home (Behrens, Parker, Parker, & Haltgan, 2011).

• Securely attached infants readily investigate their surroundings when their caregivers are present and use them as a base in much the same way that Bowlby described. They exhibit distress (protest) when separated but are generally eas- ily calmed when caregivers reappear. Parents of securely attached children are

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Section 10.1 Attachment

generally more sensitive and responsive to their children’s needs than the parents of the three types of insecure infants. About two thirds of infants are classified as securely attached, representing the vast majority of infants studied in North America and elsewhere (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Finger, Hans, Bernstein, & Cox, 2009).

• Insecure-avoidant infants are characterized by indifference to their mothers. In the Strange Situation, these babies paid little attention when their mothers exited and remained in a fairly stable mood when their mothers returned. Some infants consciously avoided their mothers, even turning their backs. Parents of avoidant children have been found to inadequately respond to needs. They also can be reject- ing and avoid physical contact, forcing their children to soothe themselves. About 20% of children fit the avoidant category (Ainsworth et al., 1978; McElwain & Booth- LaForce, 2006).

• Insecure-resistant (or ambivalent) infants show a high level of distress. They tend to both demand and fight closeness (displaying ambivalence), and often show anger when the caregiver returns. Caregivers of insecure babies have been found to model the ambivalent behavior by practicing an inconsistent pattern of both respon- siveness and neglect. About 10% of North American babies present this type of attachment pattern (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Dwairy, 2010).

• Disorganized-disoriented infants are thought to be the least securely attached. They exhibit a great degree of confusion and contradictory behaviors during both separation and reunion situations. For instance, they may approach a parent without displaying emotion or look away while being comforted. They show other unusual behaviors, like not moving for minutes at a time while looking around in a confused manner. Only about 5% of infants behave in a disorganized manner, a good propor- tion of whom have suffered abuse or neglect. In addition, parents who have a history of being abused have a propensity to engage in fearful and disorganized parent- ing practices, perhaps fueling that behavior in their infants (Ballen, Bernier, Moss, Tarabulsy, & St-Laurent, 2010; Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990).

Cross-culturally, studies have found that maternal behaviors can “fully account” for differ- ences in attachment behavior (Bernier, Matte-Gagné, Bélanger, & Whipple, 2014). Compared to insecurely attached children, those who are securely attached during infancy show fewer adjustment problems and tend to be more socially competent in later years. In contrast, insecure attachments are more often associated with maladaptive behaviors, including poor academic performance and behavioral adjustment problems in school. Resistant and disor- ganized children tend to externalize their problems, resulting in relatively more conduct dis- orders, whereas ambivalent children internalize their problems, experiencing more depres- sion, anxiety, and perhaps physical symptoms like stomachaches (Aviezer, Sagi, & Resnick, 2002; Beebe & Lachmann, 2014; Fearon et al., 2010; McCartney, Owen, Booth, Clarke-Stewart, & Vandell, 2004).

Studies of orphaned Romanian children also lend strong support to the early influence of environment on attachment (Chisholm, 1998; Chisholm, Carter, Ames, & Morison, 1995). Due to inadequate human contact, children who were deprived of early emotional contact did indeed form insecure attachment styles. When conditions are severe, disorders of attachment often result, which present as either emotionally withdrawn or its opposite, socially disin- hibited. Emotionally withdrawn children do not seek comfort when distressed, nor do they respond to attempts at being comforted. Those who are socially disinhibited do not discrimi- nate among familiar and unfamiliar adults and are overly friendly to strangers. In either case,

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Section 10.1 Attachment

there is a lack of developmentally appropriate social interaction. At a crowded amusement park, children who exhibit attachment disorders might fail to stay close to a familiar adult. Or, conversely, they might inappropriately approach unfamiliar adults. In either case, the child’s behavior is incongruous with social expectations.

On the other hand, if early deprivation is followed by later opportunities to form attachments, negative effects can be mitigated. Among the Romanian orphans, those who later experienced appropriate attachment relationships in adoptive families were quite resilient and able to form secure attachments. These conclusions demonstrate that even a serious risk factor (in this case, severe emotional deprivation) does not necessarily determine later behavioral prob- lems or psychopathology. Like Harlow’s monkeys, isolation puts children at higher risk for slower physical growth and lower cognitive functioning, but intervention programs are suc- cessful (Black, Dubowitz, Krishnakumar, & Starr, 2007). Other results have been documented in less extreme circumstances, like divorce, as well (Lewis, Feiring, & Rosenthal, 2000).

These results support the work of Michael Lewis (1997) and Jerome Kagan (1987), who argue that environmental changes like positive adult models have a significant effect on outcome. According to them, the environment a child experiences at any particular age and a child’s feeling of continuity are more important than what happens between 6 and 24 months of age. We are born with the tendency to form early attachments, but infants and older children are resilient even when solid attachments don’t form. The Romanian orphans are clear examples of this tendency.

Multiple Attachments and Diversity Environmental influences on attachment behavior are demonstrated further when infants show diversity in attachment figures. Even in the 1960s, when the vast majority of babies remained with their mothers for most of the day, Bowlby acknowledged that many children have multiple attachment figures (Bowlby, 1969). Grandparents, fathers, childcare profes- sionals, and others can form attachments, even if mothers are primary caregivers. A multi- tude of cross-cultural research shows that no one person is essential for attachment (Booth, Kelly, & Spieker, 2003; Posada, 2013; True, Pisana, & Oumar, 2001).

Cross-cultural evidence also suggests that the majority of infants around the world are securely attached. As Figure 10.1 shows, the global proportion of secure infants is relatively consistent (Van IJzendoorn & Kroonenberg, 1998; Van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008). These findings support the original ethological and biological theories set forth by Lorenz and Bowlby, though there are some statistically significant cross-cultural differences. For instance, higher proportions of Japanese babies are classified as both secure and resistant. However, it may be that Japanese infants are not actually resistant. Instead, perhaps they are more stressed under the Strange Situation because under ordinary conditions they are seldom out of their mothers’ care. Japanese mothers could also be wary and project those feelings onto their children (Takahashi, 1990). Or perhaps the way in which children appraise the setting affects their categorization on the Strange Situation more than actual differences. Studies of Chinese, Swedish, African, and other infants also suggest that culture and child- rearing practices account for variation in the Strange Situation, rather than innate differences (Chen et al., 2006; Jin, Jacobvitz, Hazen, & Jung, 2012; True et al., 2001; Van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008).

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P er

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20

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10

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Insecure-avoidant (A)

Insecure-resistant (C)

Secure (B)

Culture Germany Great

Britain Netherlands Sweden Israel Japan China USA

Section 10.1 Attachment

Fathers and Attachment Under normal circumstances, infants typically form attachments with their fathers and moth- ers. Though it does not appear to affect attachment, some parents behave differently depend- ing on the sex of the children in their care (as do nurses, schoolteachers, and others). Although some fathers are equally sensitive to their sons and daughters (i.e., they respond promptly and appropriately when infants signal they are in need), on average mothers have been found to be more sensitive to daughters than to sons (Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2006). However, when securely attached infants who approach and interact equally with both parents become dis- tressed, on average infants prefer to be comforted by their mothers rather than their fathers (Cummings & Kouros, 2009; Fox, Kimmerly, & Schafer, 1991; Lamb, 1976).

Father-child and mother-child patterns of interaction remain typical regardless of how house- hold chores and responsibilities are differentiated. For instance, on an Israeli kibbutz, where

Figure 10.1: Attachment behaviors among a number of different cultures

Cross-cultural studies show that styles of attachment appear in somewhat similar percentages, especially for securely attached infants.

Source: Van IJzendoorn, M. H., & Sagi-Schwartz, A. (2008). Cross-cultural patterns of attachment: Universal and contextual dimensions. In J. Cassidy & P. R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical applications (2nd ed.), pp. 880–905. New York: Guilford Press, Table 37.1, p. 898.

P er

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m en

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20

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10

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Insecure-avoidant (A)

Insecure-resistant (C)

Secure (B)

Culture Germany Great

Britain Netherlands Sweden Israel Japan China USA

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Section 10.1 Attachment

childcare responsibilities are the domain of nonparents, fathers and mothers still engage in the stereotypical interactions observed in the United States and elsewhere. Mothers on the kibbutz vocalize with their infants more than fathers, are more affectionate toward them, and also engage in more childcare activities; fathers more than mothers typically engage in more play with their children. Perhaps different parental attachment behavior is due to distinctions in the way that mothers and fathers interact with children. Research suggests that fathers promote attachment when they engage in a more physical style of play. There are bursts of excitement and more spontaneity. It is thought that interacting physically helps children set boundaries as they learn the limits of fair and appropriate play (Paquette & Dumont, 2013; Sagi, Lamb, Shoham, Dvir, & Lewkowicz, 1985; Schoppe-Sullivan, Kotila, Jia, Lang, & Bower, 2013).

In addition, fathers allow children to take more (calculated) risks than mothers (Brussoni & Olsen, 2011; Ishak, Tamis-LeMonda, & Adolph, 2007). Risk taking promotes emotional intel- ligence, a concept discussed in Chapter 9, and autonomy as children learn good decision mak- ing. Overall, children who engage in higher quality and more interactive forms of play with their fathers have fewer social and behavioral problems than children who don’t have such interactions (Fletcher, St. George, & Freeman, 2013). Two separate longitudinal studies found that attachment is most easily predicted by level of paternal involvement and sensitivity. Posi- tive attachment relationships are associated with both quantity and quality of father interac- tions. Research is conclusive that children fare better when they have a close relationship with their fathers than when they do not (Brown, Mangelsdorf, & Neff, 2012; Grossmann et al., 2002).

Long-Term Effects of Attachment Increasing evidence indicates that early secure attachment relationships are associated with successful adult relationships (Beebe & Lachmann, 2014; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2012). Dur- ing adolescence, secure attachment relationships are used to guide new relationship behav- iors. In general, secure adolescents more easily find comfort in others and will continue to develop more secure and rewarding romantic relationships into adulthood. They also remain physically healthier overall (e.g., Puig, Englund, Simpson, & Collins, 2013; Simpson, Collins, & Salvatore, 2011). And when children became parents themselves, there are strong parallels between early attachment styles and how they respond later to their own children (Sroufe, Egeland, Carlson, & Collins, 2005).

There is also a positive effect on problem solving and overall cognitive development. More securely attached children are probably more cooperative and open to assistance, and their parents are probably more likely to promote educational goals (West, Mathews, & Kerns, 2013). Conversely, insecure attachment is associated with more problematic relationships and negative individual outcomes such as criminal behavior and depression (Allen, Porter, McFarland, McElhaney, & Marsh, 2007; Beebe & Lachmann, 2014; Hoeve et al., 2012). In sum, there is strong evidence that secure attachment during infancy projects to more adaptive social, cognitive, and emotional outcomes in later childhood and into adulthood. In general, insecure children have poorer quality interpersonal relationships, extending throughout the school years and beyond. It also appears that negative effects can be mitigated—or even reversed—when later relationships include attention and sensitivity. We will take a closer look at how attachment extends to romantic relationships in Chapter 12 and to peers and peer groups in Chapter 13.

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Section 10.2 The Development of Emotions

10.2 The Development of Emotions The ways that infants and young children express emotions are remarkably similar across cul- tures. Psychologists study many aspects of emotions, including the internal state and how it is communicated. For example, 11-month-old Chinese infants show significantly less expres- sion than European American infants, within the same emotional experiences (Camras et al., 1998). But emotions involve universal principles and can be recognized by voice intonation regardless of language, culture, or nationality. One study showed that monolingual Spanish speakers are able to decode emotion in three different languages, even when speakers use only nonsense words (Pell, Monetta, Paulmann, & Kotz, 2009).

Like the hierarchy of thinking patterns, the emergence of emotions takes place in a prescribed order with nearly universal consistency, as Figure 10.2 shows (Ekman, 1972; Izard, 1982). Although babies have a limited range of expression, infants all over the world display the five basic emotions of disgust, joy, anger, sadness, and fear in a consistent sequence and demon- strate similar facial features (Izard & Dougherty, 1982; Mesquita & Frijda, 1992). Before they are 1 month old, infants display interest and disgust and communicate distress. Within 2 to 3 months, they show happiness by smiling at people and other interesting objects; they begin to distinguish between different emotional responses (Montague & Walker-Andrews, 2001). At about 3 months, emotional experiences become shared. An example of this development is when infants smile specifically in response to a parent’s smile (Lavelli & Fogel, 2005). As infants and emotionally available caregivers continue to interact, they learn to recognize each other’s emotional signals.

Although substantial evidence points to the biological structure of emotions, they do not emerge in a social vacuum. When babies smile, laugh, or become excited, they are communi- cating with emotions. When infants have strong emotional attachments to significant adults, it has a positive effect on later development, including higher social and cognitive function- ing (Belsky, 2005). Nature meets nurture when these emotions meet varying responses from parents and caregivers. So, even though maturation and nature have a tremendous influence on capabilities, environmental factors are vital components as well.

Positive Emotions The first smiles that neonates display do not occur in response to environmental stimuli, and they usually happen while the baby is sleeping. New parents mistakenly believe they are due to gas, but they appear to be simply spontaneous reflexive smiles that are part of an infant’s internal biological state (Sroufe & Waters, 1976). Babies will soon, however, display a wide range of emotions. According to surveys of new parents, within the first month nearly all babies show the positive emotion of joy (Ackerman & Izard, 2004).

Section Review How do infants form attachments? How is attachment important to development, and what does it suggest about the connections they may form later in life?

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a. disgust b. joy

d. sadness e. fear

c. anger

Section 10.2 The Development of Emotions

Figure 10.2: Emergence of emotions

Emotions appear at generally the same age throughout the world. The ways in which other humans respond to a child’s emotions influence the way those emotions may develop. Most healthy infants display the five basic emotions of disgust (a), joy (b), anger (c), sadness (d), and fear (e) in a consistent sequence with similar facial expressions.

Photos from left to right, top to bottom: Anatoliy Samara/iStock/Thinkstock; Domredriver/iStock/Thinkstock; Marili Forastieri/ Photodisc/Thinkstock; Alex Varlakov/Hemera/Thinkstock; Ralf Hettler/iStock/Thinkstock

Figure Sources: Izard (1982), Saarni, Campos, & Camras (2006), Sroufe (1995)

a. disgust b. joy

d. sadness e. fear

c. anger

Birth

Interest, disgust

Social smile, happiness

Anger, surprise, sadness

Fear

Shyness

Contempt

Age (months) 4 8 12 16 20 24 28

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Section 10.2 The Development of Emotions

By 2 to 3 months, infants begin to smile in response to external stimuli. New information can positively arouse them. Most important, other people can evoke smiles, and infant smiles encourage caregivers to smile back. This social smile is quite different from the early reflex- ive smile. The social smile is an important milestone in psychosocial development, as it is used to initiate and sustain social contact. It follows that typical smiling during infancy is associated with later social competence. Children who do not show this behavior by about 6 months may be exhibiting early signs of autism (Gangi, Ibañez, & Messinger, 2013; Levy, Man- dell, & Schultz, 2009). When adults communicate to infants with positive expressions, it appears to enhance interest and memory. That is, wide-eyed, infant-directed speech may heighten arousal and promote cognitive development (Flom, Janis, Garcia, & Kirwan, 2014).

Because this social smile encourages caregivers to respond, it probably developed as an evolutionary advantage (Saarni, Campos, & Camras, 2006). Adults (potential caregivers) are delighted at this social intro- duction and provide critical care to the baby, includ- ing cuddling, stroking, rocking, and other comfort-

ing behaviors. Conversely, if adults are unresponsive, smiling decreases. Therefore, smiling behavior generally increases throughout the first year, directed especially toward primary caregivers (Messinger, Fogel, & Dickson, 2001).

By the middle of the first year, infants begin to smile broadly at familiar objects and people. They also begin to genuinely laugh when excited. Babies may yield high-pitched squeals of delight and laughter while being bounced on the knee, while looking at funny faces (from familiar people), or when parents tickle their tummies. When infants laugh at funny faces or sounds, cognitive growth is demonstrated when they recognize the unexpected or inconsis- tent stimuli (Mireault, Sparrow, Poutre, Perdue, & Macke, 2012). Throughout the preschool years and into early childhood, positive emotions become milder overall, but there is great individual variation (Sallquist et al., 2010). Perhaps children begin to temper their positive emotions in response to social demands for restraint.

Critical Thinking

How can a social smile be a form of prelin- guistic communication?

Psychology in Action: Reciprocal Determinism

The way in which people react to others has a significant effect on both sides of the interaction. Reciprocal determinism is a term coined by Albert Bandura to describe the behavior that is both influencing and influenced by others. A simple example of reciprocal determinism occurs when you smile at another person (the same social smile that babies first exhibit around 3 months of age). After doing so, the other person is in a way invited to smile back. In turn, you smile more and feel better, too! Similarly, when anger is expressed (for example, at an unde- serving cashier in a store), that person is likely to direct anger back, creating a negative cycle.

Therefore, reciprocal determinism can work in both positive and negative ways. With regard to temperament, a smiling, happy baby is likely to evoke smiles and happiness from parents. Parents in turn are likely to respond favorably toward their baby. A fussy, inconsistent baby is likely to evoke frustration and inconsistency from parents, resulting in greater difficulty and inconsistency from the baby, who evokes more frustrations from the parents, and so on.

(continued)

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Section 10.2 The Development of Emotions

Negative Emotions The first easily discernable negative emotion is distress. Hunger, an uncomfortable position, or even overstimulation can evoke a characteristic grimacing cry. By offering potential clues to health and pain, negative emotions provide a survival advantage just like the positive emo- tions. Infants are also learning intentional behavior and invest more time in controlling their own actions. For example, when adults prevent infants from pursuing pleasure, infants are especially good at displaying anger (Buss & Kiel, 2004; Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). Parents who try to replace a lost pacifier with a different brand know what this experience is like. Infants also get upset when they are prohibited from a desired activity, like touching an interesting object or opening a forbidden cabinet door.

At about the same time that infants begin to show anger, they also show sadness. Although there is some controversy about the degree to which infants distinguish between negative emotions, by the middle of the first year there appears to be clear differentiation (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). To study how infants express sadness, psychologists have used an experimental situation called the Still-Face Paradigm (SFP). In the SFP, undertaken primarily with mothers, infants are first measured at a baseline level during a normal interaction with their mothers. Next, the mother becomes unresponsive (still-faced). The experiment concludes when moth- ers return to normal levels of interaction.

The SFP evokes clear changes in infant emotions. During the still-face phase, infants attempt to arouse their mothers and become gradually more upset and smile less, eventually resulting in tearful crying. The SFP has also increased our understanding of how parenting styles affect attachment and early development. Greater maternal sensitivity at baseline levels has shown to be a protective factor against negative emotions and generally results in closer mother- child emotional relationships (Adamson & Frick, 2003; Braungart-Rieker et al., 2014; Mes- man, Van IJzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2009).

In the latter example, the way to break the cycle of negative responses is for parents and care- givers to transform their behavior through cognitive awareness of the cycle. Specific prescrip- tions for calmness, warmth, and soothing behaviors—even when the child does not immedi- ately respond favorably—will eventually become adaptive.

Reciprocal determinism also appears in schools, local law enforcement practices, and other everyday interactions. Students who smile and have a natural, friendly temperament toward their teachers are more likely to receive positive responses than children who evoke frustra- tion. A child who has difficulty learning and begins to act out evokes distrust and anger from teachers, causing further misbehavior. Once again, the way to break the cycle is through cog- nitive restructuring. Rather than teachers only allowing favorite students “special assistant” privileges, genuine compassion and inclusion of the troublesome student will bring about a cycle of change in reciprocal behaviors.

Psychology in Action: Reciprocal Determinism (continued)

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Section 10.3Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy

Emotional Development and Culture Although we know that emotional development has an underlying universal process, it is also strongly influenced by socialization. It appears that maturational processes prescribe when emotions emerge, but infants probably express different degrees of emotions due to family and other cultural factors (Denham, Bassett, & Wyatt, 2007/2013). Culturally, some societies reinforce expression or suppression of certain emotions. For instance, children in the United States are encouraged to express both positive and negative emotions more openly than Japa- nese children (Matsumoto, Consolacion, & Yamada, 2002; Matsumoto et al., 2009). Individu- ally, caregivers respond differently to positive and negative emotions. As noted earlier, even within families, mothers generally report having specific roles in teaching their children emo- tional maturity, whereas fathers do not report the same overt methods of socialization (Root & Rubin, 2010).

Section Review Outline how research has helped our understanding of how emotions emerge in the first 2 years.

10.3 Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy

Our emotional experiences also include the way in which we interpret emotional cues of oth- ers. We all learn by observing how others react in emotional situations: Toddlers learn to throw a tantrum; teenagers may alternately laugh or defend someone who is being bullied; adults in a business meeting can be supportive or confrontational depending on the emo- tional expression of colleagues. And people of all ages learn to be upset, sad, or glad depend- ing on how others react in similar situations. At a very early age, we use the expressions of others to guide behavior. These early interpretations often dictate how we respond, including the development of some prosocial behaviors, as we will see next.

Social Referencing One way to learn about our own emotions is to observe how others react in situations that are difficult to assess. When infants look to others for guidance during uncertain and potentially stressful events, it is called social referencing. This purposeful reliance on outside cues to provide information demonstrates cognitive sophistication. Infants increasingly rely on social referencing as they cultivate the tendency to look at faces for emotional meaning (Walden & Kim, 2005). Parents who look with wide-eyed excitement as their children climb a (poten- tially dangerous) wall transmit a different message than parents who look on with anxiety and apprehension. Subtle facial expressions communicating curiosity, joy, or fear clearly affect a child’s internal experience and eventual behavior. Children specifically seek out these social and emotional messages (Camras & Shutter, 2010; Stenberg, 2003).

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Section 10.3Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy

The results of social referencing do not always occur immediately. In one study, 14-month-old children received facial feedback from mothers regarding a novel toy, but the children were not given access to the toy for an hour. During phase 1, mothers displayed either positive or negative emotions toward the toy. An hour later, during phase 2, the children were given an opportunity to play with the toy. Results showed that 14 month olds do indeed regulate their behavior based on earlier expressions of their mothers: Positive emotions during phase 1 elicited relatively more playing time at phase 2; negative emotions at phase 1 elicited rel- atively less playing time at phase 2. These results held even when mothers gave alternate emotional messages at phase 2. For example, children who were given negative references at phase 1 were reluctant to play with the toy even when expressions by mothers were neutral at phase 2 (Hertenstein & Campos, 2004).

Because autistic children generally show poor social skills, poor social referencing is a poten- tial marker for autism spectrum disorder. The 18-month-old (high-risk) siblings of autistic children not only demonstrate poor behavioral control, but they also show poor reception of parental emotional signals (Cornew, Dobkins, Akshoomoff, McCleery, & Carver, 2012). Though not every child who displays poor social referencing is later diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder, it is interesting that these high-risk toddlers in general have deficits in this typical developmental behavior.

Empathy Another indication of emotional understanding occurs when children show distress when they view others who are upset. In a controlled study, 12-month-old infants watched tele- vised models display positive, neutral, or negative emotions to target objects. Even though they were merely observers, the infants clearly internalized the modeled emotions and sub- sequently displayed more negative emotions themselves (Mumme & Fernald, 2003). Other studies also indicate that infants and toddlers understand that the emotional state of another person can be different from their own. They will attempt to comfort a peer, sibling, or par- ent when distress is perceived (Brownell, Svetlova, Anderson, Nichols, & Drummond, 2013; Roth-Hanania, Davidov, & Zahn-Waxler, 2011). This experience of empathy, which generally appears around 1 year of age, is one kind of prosocial behavior. Not sur- prisingly, when parents model empa- thy and are responsive to distress, their children become more empathic. Others have suggested that the genetic origins of empathy and prosocial behavior are stronger determinants of behavior than modeling effects (Knafo, Zahn-Waxler, Van Hulle, Robinson, & Rhee, 2008; Thompson, 2000).

When children lack empathy, it is espe- cially problematic, predicting lifelong consequences. On a very basic level, empathy inhibits aggression and other antisocial behaviors. Less empathy is associated with a number of behavior

Hemera/Thinkstock

Studies indicate that infants and toddlers can recognize another person’s emotional state as different from their own.

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Section 10.4 Emotional Regulation

disorders in early and middle childhood, which in turn are associated with delinquent behav- ior in adolescence. Just as there is evidence of a biological basis for empathy, neuroscience research has long suggested a similar biology among those who demonstrate the antisocial behaviors that are indicative of a lack of empathy (Decety, 2010; de Wied, Gispen-de Wied, & van Boxtel, 2010; Hunter, 2010; Lockwood et al., 2013). The evidence does not necessarily mean that a “criminal gene” exists; it merely shows that specific genes may give some antiso- cial behaviors a head start.

Research also indicates that a warm parental relationship serves as a protective factor against delinquency, criminality, and other negative behaviors. Surveys indicate that parental con- cern and involvement and empathy are strongly associated with a decrease in aggressive behavior (Panfile & Laible, 2012). Furthermore, close relationships with parents and peers predict more control over emotions, more positive interactions and fewer negative interac- tions (Hoeve et al., 2012). However, longitudinal research also indicates that parental support generally does not overcome already low levels of empathy in adolescents. Instead, parental support is found to be most protective for adolescents who already demonstrate high empa- thy (Van der Graaff, Branje, de Wied, & Meeus, 2012).

Empathy during adolescence is also associated with the frequency of conflicts with parents. One longitudinal study found that teenagers with comparatively low empathy also experi- enced relatively high conflict with their parents (Van Lissa et al., 2015). Increased conflict may prevent opportunities to express empathy in daily life, a factor that is considered impor- tant for its development (Barr, 2009). Furthermore, although empathy increases during the teenage period overall, its display remains stable relative to others, and also predicts social competency during adulthood. That is, it appears that empathy follows a predictable trajec- tory from adolescence through early adulthood, which also affects some aspects of adult social adjustment (Allemand, Steiger, & Fend, 2015; Van der Graaff et al., 2014).

Section Review What indications show that children see beyond themselves and have genuine interest in oth- ers? What predictions can you make about this behavior?

10.4 Emotional Regulation The development of prosocial behaviors like empathy is also a function of how well we have learned to tolerate our negative emotions. That is, momentary periods of strong negative emotions can reduce the ability to respond to others. The extent to which we manage our feelings of frustration and other negative emotions exposes the dimension of self-regulation (Rothbart & Bates, 2006). This process refers to the self-monitoring of emotions in order to reinforce favorable social outcomes or avoid unfavorable ones. At a rudimentary level, infants begin to transition from depending on others to ease emotional discomfort to being able to self-soothe. Infants may cling to a favorite blanket rather than rely exclusively on a parent’s embrace (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). In early childhood, children begin to incorpo- rate cognitive strategies, including purposeful distractions and negotiation through language (Eisenberg, Sadovsky, & Spinrad, 2005).

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Section 10.4 Emotional Regulation

Differences in self-regulatory behaviors are on dis- play in the Marshmallow Test, made famous by Wal- ter Mischel. He and his colleagues at Stanford Uni- versity placed a tray of marshmallows (and other highly desirable treats like cookies and pretzels) in front of children of various ages to see if they could resist temptation. Participants were placed by themselves in a small room and told they could have one marshmallow (or other treat). They were fur- ther informed that they could either eat the marsh- mallow right away or, if they waited for a period of time, they could have two marshmallows instead.

Some of the children ate the marshmallow right away, while others waited just a few minutes before indulging; about 30% doubled their treat by wait- ing the entire 15 minutes for the researcher to come back. In a number of follow-up studies, Mischel and his collaborators discovered insights into the impor- tance of self-control. Participants who were able to delay rewards were later found to be more attentive in school, had fewer behavioral problems, and were better at forming and maintaining friendships. As adolescents, they showed more independence, had more confidence, and were better able to cope with

stress. Perhaps most surprisingly, this simple test also predicted cognitive differences, result- ing in an average gain for the delayers of over 200 points on the SAT college admission exam!

Delayers developed strategies to distract themselves by covering their eyes, singing, or imag- ining something other than marshmallows in front of them, like cotton balls. Older children focused more easily on the greater rewards (using metacognition). The ability to delay grati- fication as evidenced by the Marshmallow Test might serve as a shield against cognitive or social disappointments that can sometimes lead to further failure. Or, perhaps those with better self-control are more likely to be persistent in the face of potential defeat (Eigsti et al., 2006; Mischel & Ebbesen, 1970; Shoda, Mischel, & Peake, 1990).

During middle childhood and into adolescence, we gradually incorporate more sophisticated cognitive strategies into emotional regulation. When rules of a game are not perceived as fair or otherwise cause distress, older children may adjust their cognitive strategies (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). Then, as adolescents utilize the speculation and reasoning indicative of for- mal operations, they become better able to hypothesize about potential emotional outcomes. They may purposely isolate themselves instead of facing potential rejection, or engage in risky behavior in order to feel included. Adolescents understand the value of adaptation, as well, like giving in to an unpleasant parental request in order to avoid a negative situation.

As the stereotype suggests, adolescents do experience a relatively high degree of emotional instability compared to younger children. They experience more emotionally intense nega- tive as well as positive emotions (Sallquist et al., 2009). Like younger children and adults, adolescents benefit from emotional distance (taking a “step back”) and self-reflection when experiencing these intense negative emotions. Moreover, the impact of adaptive processes on self-regulation becomes more potent with age (White, Kross, & Duckworth, 2015). The

Design Pics/Thinkstock

When children begin to self-soothe, they begin to develop the skills that can lead to sophisticated emotional regulation strategies in adolescence.

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Section 10.5 The Growth of Emotional Expression

10.5 The Growth of Emotional Expression Sometime during the latter half of their first year, infants attain an emotional milestone when they display anxiety at being confronted by strangers or when separated from their usual care- givers. Soon after these milestones, they show the beginnings of self-consciousness. They will respond to rebukes and show both pride and embarrassment. This section will outline the development of these more advanced emotions.

Stranger Anxiety Recall that in the early attachment phase infants are easily comforted by any num- ber of caregivers. Beginning between 4 and 6 months of age they show prefer- ence for the care and company of famil- iar parents and caregivers. As a result, when unfamiliar caregivers appear, they become distressed. Under normal cir- cumstances, the most common expres- sion of this emotion occurs when chil- dren display stranger anxiety. Infants will become anxious and clingy in the presence of unfamiliar adults, coincid- ing with the emergence of fear.

Frederico Scoppa/AFP/Getty Images

While stranger anxiety is considered normal in North America, the collective style of caregiving common in other cultures—like the Democratic Republic of Congo—may be the cause of less anxiety in the presence of strangers.

developmental origins of the changes that appear—and then disappear—are unclear. Some studies indicate that increased social stimuli create more emotional reactivity; others suggest that neurological changes, especially in the amygdala, create additional physiological reactiv- ity (Silvers et al., 2012; Silvers, Shu, Hubbard, Weber, & Ochsner, 2015).

Characteristics like social competence, reactivity, and self-regulation extend well beyond biol- ogy and maturation and encompass social and familial variables, too. For example, depending on culture and family, some children must wait to talk or eat until proper rules of etiquette have been followed. Therefore, it should not be assumed that difficult children are necessarily des- tined for problems. Instead, biology and maturation produce different patterns of responses; individual experiences will modify the way personality is expressed. That is, outcomes depend on the way parents and caregivers react to behaviors (Henry, Caspi, Moffitt, & Silva, 1996; Lee, Zhou, Eisenberg, & Wang, 2013; Propper & Moore, 2006). If adults meet difficult behavior with frustration and demands, children are more likely to remain difficult. If, by contrast, parents are warm and consistent, difficult children can learn to respond positively. Simply having access to adaptive experiences and practicing self-regulation bring about positive changes for difficult children (Bradley & Corwyn, 2008; Teerikangas, Aronen, Martin, & Huttunen, 1998; also, see the feature box, “Psychology in Action: Reciprocal Determinism” located in section 10.2).

Section Review Describe how emotional regulation changes between early childhood and adolescence.

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Section 10.5 The Growth of Emotional Expression

Stranger anxiety is considered a normal developmental occurrence in North America and other industrialized countries where it has been observed. Pediatricians and psychologists will even identify it as a milestone. However, because stranger anxiety shows some variance across individuals and cultures, newer research has questioned whether nature or nurture has a stronger influence (Saarni et al., 2006). For instance, in the Efe culture in the Dem- ocratic Republic of Congo, where there are diverse social contacts during the first 3 years, considerably less anxiety exists when in the presence of strangers (Ivey, 2000). Perhaps the collective style of caregiving among the Efe is an environmental adaptation due to ecological (climate, food supply) and health-related (disease) risks. Infants in the Efe culture are better off if they can be easily cared for in the event a parent is unavailable or ill. The result is that the innate anxiety reaction is suppressed. These circumstances contribute to mounting epi- genetic research, which suggests that both social and cultural factors significantly contribute to expression of emotion (Gudsnuk & Champagne, 2012; Izard, 1994; Pell et al., 2009).

Separation Anxiety Separation anxiety is the distress that infants display when the usual caregiver departs. Like stranger anxiety, it has been observed to be a universal phenomenon. It begins around 8 months of age and peaks around 14 months. Some differences exist in degree of anxiety, but a general trend is evident across cultures, as shown in Figure 10.3. The stronger emotions sig- naled by stranger anxiety and separation anxiety show that infants are becoming increasingly attached to their caregivers. This development coincides with the emergence of object per- manence. Infants are beginning to understand that caregivers exist even when they are not seen. But, they do not understand that caregivers will return, nor are they likely to have a conceptual understanding of time. These developments demonstrate cognitive advancements because it is apparent that infants now have the social understanding that different people represent different kinds of care.

Figure 10.3: Separation anxiety across cultures

Though some slight cultural variations exist, separation anxiety is thought to be a universal phenomenon.

Source: From Infancy: Its Place in Human Development by Jerome Kagan, Richard B. Kearsley, and Philip R. Zelazo, Copyright © 1978 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.

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Section 10.5 The Growth of Emotional Expression

Self-Conscious Emotions During the second year, the self-conscious emotions of pride, embarrassment, guilt, shame, shyness, and contempt begin to emerge (Izard, 1982; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Sroufe, 1995). These emotions signify advancing cognitive and psychosocial sophistication, as they indicate that toddlers are aware of themselves and the reactions of others. For instance, after completing a house of blocks or putting together a challenging toy, toddlers may display pride by smiling at the accomplishment, clapping, and looking to adults for approval. Children at this age can clearly have embarrassed reactions when they are asked to dance or otherwise become the center of attention. They also show guilt when they bury their heads in the sofa after being caught acting inappropriately. Beginning at about age 2, children may show con- tempt. After being asked (one more time!) not to bang a cabinet door, children may turn to parents with a look of contempt before doing it yet again.

In contrast to other emotions, the self-conscious emotions require more adult instruction and modeling. At least initially, pride and shame are usually due to how others view behaviors. And it varies by culture. In the United States, for instance, most children are taught to value personal achievement and competition. In collectivist societies like China and Japan, self- congratulatory behavior is often shamed. The way the two cultures express pride is therefore moderated by societal expectations (Wong & Tsai, 2007).

Neuroscience and Emotions As emotions become more sophisticated, there is parallel neurological growth. At first, brain structures that respond to and organize emotions are somewhat disconnected, residing in different parts of the cerebral cortex and limbic system. In the latter part of the first year and continuing at a rapid pace, the different brain structures coordinate more, allowing for more growth and complexity of emotions (Braun, 2011; Kringelbach, Phil, & Berridge, 2010). Neu- roscience may also be able to explain the greater range and volatility of emotions often indica- tive of adolescents. One study compared the brains of adolescents and adults who viewed faces that displayed a range of emotions. Although both groups showed characteristic activity in a specific part of the prefrontal cortex of the brain, the adolescents also showed more activ- ity in other brain areas. By being less typically organized, the brain response may translate to less controlled emotional responses, affecting rational thought and decision making (Nelson et al., 2003).

What happens to the brain when children are deprived of appropriate psychosocial develop- ment? For many years, neuroscientists had suspicions that various forms of abuse affected brain development, resulting in deficits in functioning. Due to advancements in brain imaging over the past few decades, it has become clear that abuse of all kinds—including emotional neglect—has lasting effects. In many cases, emotional deprivation during infancy leads to cognitive, neurological, social, and emotional deficits. Even seemingly unrelated areas of cog- nition, such as visual memory and working memory, are affected (Bos, Fox, Zeanah, & Nelson, 2009; Eluvathingal et al., 2006; Nelson et al., 2003; Rijlaarsdam, 2014; Sheridan, Fox, Zeanah, McLaughlin, & Nelson, 2012). However, if emotional deprivation can be identified early and appropriate interventions installed before age 2, strong evidence suggests negative effects can disappear (Nelson et al., 2007; Vanderwert, Marshall, Nelson, Zeanah, & Fox, 2010).

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Section 10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence The origins of other negative effects are equally complicated. Due to the confluence of the physical and cognitive changes that occur with puberty and formal operations, adolescence is sometimes fraught with psychosocial challenges. As we learned in the discussion of adoles- cent egocentrism, teenagers will sometimes have difficulty objectively assessing themselves and the world. In addition, pursuing new relationships, the self-discovery of identity, and engaging in self-reflection sometimes creates stress that can lead to depression and thoughts of suicide. Although the vast majority of adolescents are well adjusted, the emotional difficul- ties that many adolescents experience can be serious, as we will see next.

Depression Adolescence is sometimes a precarious time. Reflecting the more dramatic developmental changes of this period, emotions and self-regulation reemerge as an important area of atten- tion. As discussed in Chapter 5, there is a second wave of growth in the frontal lobes of the brain (including areas involved in decision making) during the teenage years, which is not completed

until well into the 20s. During this time of transi- tion, the psychosocial and physical changes associ- ated with adolescence are not always aligned with higher-order thinking. That is, the frontal lobe may not be ready to fully process the social and emotional changes for which today’s adolescents typically must prepare. The increased turmoil and risk-taking behav- iors among teenagers (recall the personal fable) can be consequences of this psychosocial change. These emotional changes lead to an increased incidence of depression and the hopeless feelings associated with suicide (Garber & Rao, 2014). Though there are ongoing inconsistencies in diagnosis, as many as 1 in 10 people in the United States meet the criteria for clinical depression (e.g., Hryb, Kirkhart, & Talbert, 2007; Prodromou, Kyritsi, & Samartzis, 2014).

The most notable behavioral changes related to depression include a change in appetite (signifi- cantly more or less), a change in sleep (significantly more, less, or erratic), and a change in activity level (significantly less). Adolescents and others who are depressed feel sad and hopeless about life and find everyday joy is illusive. Concentration is affected,

Photodisc/Thinkstock

Some of the noticeable behavioral changes related to depression are significant increases or decreases in appetite, sleep, and activity level.

Section Review Describe the changes in emotions that begin after early infancy. Explain how stranger anxiety and separation anxiety both represent cognitive and social progress, in addition to emotional changes.

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Section 10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

possibly leading to a drop in grades. Depression is associated with dropping out of school, pregnancy, delinquency, self-harm (e.g., cutting), eating disorders, violent relationships, and other behavioral difficulties (Vorkapic, Dadic-Hero, & Ruzic, 2010).

Adolescents often act out (e.g., radically changing appearance, becoming violent), but, like adults, can also show the characteristic melancholy and impairment in everyday activities. It is commonly thought that many people who abuse drugs and alcohol are actually self-medicating their depression, but evidence of this association is not strong (Bolton, Robinson, & Sareen, 2009; Shadur, Hussong, & Haroon, 2015). For many depressed adults, it is sometimes difficult to simply get out of bed or accomplish normal routines like grooming and taking out the trash (depression is thought to be an underlying symptom of hoarding behaviors, too).

The prevalence of depression varies considerably with age (see Figure 10.4), but estimat- ing it among the elderly is especially complicated. Doctors and mental health experts some- times misattribute emotional symptoms among the elderly to physical problems (Kessler et al., 2010). For instance, if a person is depressed, but also has a degree of chronic pain, then the pain is usually treated rather than the depression—regardless of whether there is a rela- tionship between them or not. At the same time though, chronic health problems do increase the likelihood of depression. For instance, the association between late-life depression and cardiovascular disease is well established (Choi, Kim, Marti, & Chen, 2014). Either way, health professionals need to be aware of symptoms of both physical and mental disorders. The dis- tress and suffering associated with depression will often lead to a reciprocal downward spiral in social and mental functioning as well.

Gender and Ethnic Differences in Depression Most research finds that about twice as many women than men at any time experience depression, a proportion that is consistent internationally and across age groups beginning in adolescence (Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008). Similarly, an extensive survey of U.S. adults found that lifetime prevalence of depression in women was as much as 50% greater (Gonza- lez et al., 2010). Women are thought to internalize problems more (like worrying about body image) and to ruminate about their problems and mood more than men do. These findings are consistent with sex differences in the brain showing more sophisticated processing of emotions in female brains (Bennett, Ambrosini, Kudes, Metz, & Rabinovich, 2005; Graber & Sontag, 2009; Hammen, 2009). Many have speculated that biological differences, especially hormones, contribute to variations in rates of depression, but the association remains poorly understood. Alternatively, it is also possible that there is variation in self-appraisal among men and women. That is, in a way that is analogous to self-reporting of pain, men and women may not consistently assess symptoms of depression in the same way.

Men and women also deal with depression in different ways. Men more often externalize their problems by acting out on others, and such behavior results in increased aggression and other antisocial activities, which may mask (or transform) depression. On the other hand, women are more likely to use their social networks of other women and are more likely to seek medical and psychological interventions (Mahalik, Burns, & Syzdex, 2007). However, dif- ferences in prevalence may at least partly reflect societal expectations of gender, according to which it is more acceptable for males to act out than for females (Leadbeater, Kuperminc, Blatt, & Hertzog, 1999).

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Section 10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

Figure 10.4: Prevalence of major depressive episode among adolescents and

adults, 2013

There is a higher prevalence of depressive episodes among adolescents, ages 12 through 17, than among adults. But among both adolescents and adults, more women than men experience depressive episodes.

Sources: National Institute of Mental Health. (2015). Major depression among adolescents. Retrieved from http://www.nimh.nih .gov/health/statistics/prevalence/major-depression-among-adolescents.shtml. National Institute of Mental Health. (2015). Major depression among adults. Retrieved from http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/prevalence/major-depression -among-adults.shtml

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Section 10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

Whereas gender differences in prevalence imply strong biological forces in depression, sig- nificant ethnic differences that exist point to environmental factors. In a national study of over 3,000 adults who were 55 and older, more than twice as many white and Hispanic adults reported being depressed in their lifetimes than either Asians or African Americans (Wood- ward et al., 2012). Many other studies report the highest rates occur among whites, as well; however, one recent survey found much smaller ethnic variations, which almost disappeared after controlling for income level (Pratt & Brody, 2014). Globally, estimates are also difficult to determine. Like differences between men and women, the ways in which various groups appraise past and present mental health issues may contribute to the inconsistent reports. It is estimated that over 350 million people worldwide suffer from depression, but less than one fourth have adequate access to treatment. Despite the disparity in treatment options, lifetime prevalence of depression in high-income countries is considerably greater than low-income countries (Ferrari et al., 2013; Lépine & Briley, 2011).

Activity What are some possible reasons why levels of depression vary so widely, as discussed in this section? Use the studies identified in this section to help address this question. You can also search for additional studies that may offer insight.

Depressed individuals are more likely to come from a family with a history of depression and to have experienced dysfunctional family relationships, leading to a cycle of vulnerability (Fer- gusson & Woodward, 2002; Garber & Rao, 2014). Like many other mental health disorders, a combination of medication and psychotherapy, especially cognitive-behavioral therapy, often provides the most relief (e.g., Cuijpers et al., 2013; Hofmann, Asnaani, Vonk, Sawyer, & Fang, 2012). But even among the most severely depressed, barely over a third reported receiving mental health treatment in the previous year (Pratt & Brody, 2014).

Suicide Depressed adolescents are particularly vulnerable to suicide, since they often do not recog- nize available resources for intervention, like counseling. With slight variances by age, gender, and ethnicity, suicide is the second or third leading cause of death among adolescents in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015). (Among teenagers, acci- dents involving motor vehicles are the leading cause of death in every demographic group; homicide is often a higher risk than suicide among some nonwhite groups.) In countries such as Korea that have different driving standards, more mass transit (which limits auto- mobile accidents), and little gun violence (which restricts homicide), suicide is the leading cause of death among adolescents (Kim, Han, Trksak, & Lee, 2014). Although suicide is often associated with adolescence, it may surprise you to learn that the highest rates occur among middle-aged women and men over 75 (CDC, 2015g). Like rates of depression, suicide varies considerably by gender and ethnicity (see Figure 10.5).

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Section 10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

Figure 10.5: Prevalence of suicide by race, age, and sex

Suicide rates vary for each age group and race but, for data shown, the highest number of deaths occurs among white men.

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC]. (2015) WISQARS Leading causes of death reports, 1999–2013. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Retrieved from http://webappa.cdc.gov/sasweb/ncipc/leadcaus10_us.html

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• Depression • Change in eating habits, sleep, or activity level • Feelings of hopelessness, worthlessness • Suicidal ideation (thoughts about suicide, including planning) • Expression of worry that nobody cares • Substance abuse • Past suicide attempts • Dramatic changes in personality and behavior • Withdrawal from friends and family • Uncharacteristic reckless behavior • Giving away of possessions • Glamorization of suicide, including discussions of suicide pacts • Suicide of a friend

National Suicide Prevention Lifeline, 1-800-273-TALK (8255)

Section 10.6 Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

Among other factors, increased risk of suicide is associated with previous attempts at suicide, depression, and substance abuse. Importantly, females attempt suicide more than males, but males are more than three times as likely to complete suicide due to their increased use of violent means, especially firearms (CDC, 2015g). Females more often than males cut them- selves or overdose on pills. Figure 10.6 identifies some of the factors that may indicate sui- cidal thoughts. Though it can be an uncomfortable subject, talking about suicide does not promote it. As part of the effort to prevent suicide, professionals recommend that people use explicit language when they talk to those who may be at risk, even asking direct questions about suicidal thoughts (Mathias et al., 2012).

Figure 10.6: Major risk factors for suicide

Some individuals suffering from suicidal thoughts may not be aware of the resources available to help them. Be mindful of the factors that may be a sign of suicidal thoughts.

• Depression • Change in eating habits, sleep, or activity level • Feelings of hopelessness, worthlessness • Suicidal ideation (thoughts about suicide, including planning) • Expression of worry that nobody cares • Substance abuse • Past suicide attempts • Dramatic changes in personality and behavior • Withdrawal from friends and family • Uncharacteristic reckless behavior • Giving away of possessions • Glamorization of suicide, including discussions of suicide pacts • Suicide of a friend

National Suicide Prevention Lifeline, 1-800-273-TALK (8255)

Although suicidal ideation (thoughts and plans about suicide) should always be taken seri- ously, it is difficult to know whether survey data give an accurate picture of true risk. Accord- ing to reports on youth risk behavior, 17% of high school students seriously considered sui- cide in the previous 12 months and 13.6% made a plan (directly asking depressed individuals if they have made a plan is a sound intervention strategy), percentages that appear high (Kann et al., 2014). Further, 8% of high school students reported attempting suicide in the previous year; 2.7% made an attempt serious enough to require medical attention. Importantly, the number of attempts, including those that require medical attention, drops steadily from 9th through 12th grade. This finding supports the adage that suicide is “a permanent solution to a temporary problem.” It appears that difficulties experienced by many high-schoolers are indeed temporary.

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Section 10.7 Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Among all adults in the United States, 3.7% report sui- cidal ideation, but there is considerable demographic variation. Prevalence is as low as 2.1% (Georgia) and as high as 6.8% (Utah). Other significant variations exist for ethnicities and gender (Crosby, Han, Ortega, Parks, & Groerer, 2012). These results underlie the obvious implication that some social and cultural groups handle problems differently than others, especially if we con- sider more insulated geographic areas. Some sociocul- tural groups may promote outreach and community activities more than others. There are probably differences in family and social support and trust in psychological interventions. Perhaps there are state or community differences in health care resources and rates of abuse in the household. It remains troubling that there is such wide demographic variation. On the other hand, perhaps we should delight in the rela- tively low rates of suicide in some areas. Regardless, the findings underscore the importance of investigating local variables that may maximize prevention efforts.

Finally, the rising prevalence of suicide by age depicted in Figure 10.5 belies the finding dis- cussed earlier that depression decreases with age (Figure 10.4). The overlap of these data implies that depression is indeed underdiagnosed and undertreated, especially among the elderly. As noted, instead of treating the underlying depression, older people who are at risk for suicide are more likely to talk about physical symptoms. At the same time, depression can make other illnesses more difficult to treat. As you have learned, mental health can affect physical health.

Section Review How is personal functioning affected by depression? How would you know if someone is depressed or has thought about attempting suicide?

10.7 Socioemotional Selectivity Theory Among adults, emotional stability and optimism contribute to increased survival rates. Laura Carstensen and others find that the combination of happiness and experienced emotion is the strongest predictor for longevity. Conversely, emotional instability is negatively associ- ated with both emotional well-being and longevity (Carstensen et al., 2011; Mroczek, Spiro, & Turiano, 2009; Ready, Åkerstedt, & Mroczek, 2012; Scheibe & Carstensen, 2010). As we age, we systematically and purposely refine social networks to maximize emotional well-being. Older adults may have just as many close friends as their younger counterparts, but they have fewer secondary social contacts. Emotional pursuits gradually shift into those that have positive emotional connections and focus on psychological health (Lang & Carstensen, 1994; Mikels et al., 2010).

Carstensen’s socioemotional selectivity theory says that time plays a role in the way people pursue social goals, such as those related to knowledge or emotion. In young adulthood, when time seems limitless, people are directed toward the future, so knowledge-related goals have priority. You might forego an evening with friends to spend time with someone you can talk

Critical Thinking

If handguns were suddenly restricted in the United States, do you think the rate of suicide would change? Do you think homi- cide and motor vehicle accidents are in any way associated with rates of suicide?

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Section 10.7 Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

to about a possible future business idea. Since time is expansive, you will find time to be with friends in the future. As people age, and time is limited, emotional goals become more promi- nent. Therefore, as people move into middle adulthood and beyond, they are more socially selective; they narrow their contacts to those for whom they have the strongest emotional connections (Carstensen, 1998, 2006).

Consistent with Carstensen’s theory, when people perceive time as more finite, they tend to want to maximize positive emotional experiences. This result occurs regardless of age. That is, younger adults want to increase their emotional outcomes too when time is limited, as when moving away from friends and relatives (Carstensen, 1998). However, because of advanc- ing age, the shorter perception of time leads older adults to maximize positive emotional experiences relative to young adults. Overall, mounting evidence shows that older adults are happier than their younger counterparts because of socioemotional selection (Carstensen et al., 2011). This theory challenges the notion that age alone is a factor in subjective reports of well-being. In fact, when health is a controlled factor (e.g., healthy 30-year-olds are com- pared to healthy 70-year-olds), advancing age is associated with higher positive emotions and lower negative emotions (Gana, Bailly, Saada, Joulain, & Alaphilippe, 2013; Kunzmann, Little, & Smith, 2000).

A competing hypothesis suggests that research surveys may distort how people really feel. Perhaps older people simply put a positive spin on life’s difficulties or just ignore negative information (Mroczek, 2004; Reed & Carstensen, 2012). Researchers have called this atten- tional bias the “positivity effect” (Mather & Carstensen, 2005). While studies have shown that older adults pay more attention to positive information, they have also shown that younger adults have a relative bias toward the negative (e.g., Kwon, Scheibe, Samanez-Larkin, Tsai, & Carstensen, 2009; Thomas, Seymour, O’Brien, Sawyer, & Ashley, 2006). Either way, there appears to be some truth that there is power in positive thinking.

Emotional changes are also reflected in the consistent decline in stress and anger throughout adulthood, and a steady reduction in worrying beginning in middle age (see Figure 10.7). This evidence supports the idea that overall well-being actually improves throughout adulthood until it begins to decline at about age 70 (Baird, Lucas, & Donnellan, 2010; Stone, Schwartz, Broderick, & Deaton, 2010). These affective changes have an impact on the lifelong need that people have for social inclusion and belonging that lasts well into old age and across cultures (Reed & Carstensen, 2012).

Section Review Describe the role of time in Carstensen’s socioemotional selectivity theory.

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Summary & Resources

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary Infants are capable of forming positive attachment relationships with multiple individuals, including mothers, fathers, and a variety of others. Although Bowlby theorized that moth- ers were biologically predisposed to form unique relationships with their children, cross- cultural research indicates that much of the variance in attachment behavior may be due to differences related to styles of interaction. An increasing body of evidence is finding that these early attachment relationships often predict adult behavior, including the expression of emotions.

Figure 10.7: Socioemotional

selectivity

Evidence indicates that older adults are happier than their younger counterparts because of socioemotional selection. Perhaps the shorter perception of time leads older adults to emphasize the pursuit of positive emotional experiences while simultaneously ignoring the negative. Source: Stone, A. A., Schwartz, J. E., Broderick, J. E., & Deaton, A. (2010). A snapshot of the age distribution of psychological well-being in the United States. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 107(22): 9985–90

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Summary & Resources

In childhood, the display of emotions is perhaps the first indication that we are social beings. Positive and negative emotions have developed in a way that promotes survival, as social engagement is advanced. Teaching prosocial behaviors and facilitating emotional regulation further supports the socialization process. During adolescence, an increase in abstract thinking may become entwined with emotional development, perhaps playing a role in depression and suicide. In young adulthood, when time seems less limited, it is theo- rized that emotional connectedness is not always given the same priority as the pursuit of concrete goals. But this focus gradually transforms in middle and later adulthood, as emo- tional relations are geared toward preserving optimism and maximizing outcomes. These psychosocial influences are part of a constellation of factors that play a role in personality and identity development, topics that will be considered next.

Summary of Key Concepts Attachment

• Attachment is the product of a sustained, developmental connection. It emerges as a result of a close emotional relationship between a child and at least one caregiver, usually a parent.

• Harry Harlow is credited with demonstrating the essential nature of attachment relationships. He coined the term “contact comfort” to describe the necessity of pro- viding affection to infants.

• John Bowlby theorized that there are four phases of attachment: preattachment; attachment-in-the-making; organized, goal-directed attachment; and formation of reciprocal partnerships.

• Mary Ainsworth expanded on Bowlby’s principles of attachment theory to measure the strength of attachment relationships with a process known as the strange situa- tion. She identified four patterns of attachment: secure, insecure-avoidant, insecure- resistant, and disorganized-disoriented.

• Cross-cultural evidence shows some diversity in attachment behavior, but there are similar overall patterns.

• On average, fathers and mothers engage in different kinds of behaviors with their infants. Nevertheless, infants typically form attachments with both their fathers and their mothers.

• Secure attachment appears to have a lasting effect guiding relationships, as well as certain kinds of cognitive abilities.

The Development of Emotions

• Emotions involve universal principles and emerge in a mostly universal pattern; the ways that infants and young children express emotions are remarkably similar across cultures.

• Emotions appear at generally the same age throughout the world. The ways in which other humans respond to a child’s emotions influence the way those emotions may develop.

• Emotions can be classified as either positive or negative. Positive emotions that coincide with the social smile are associated with improved memory and social competence.

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Summary & Resources

Understanding Others: Social Referencing and Empathy

• Infants show emotional growth when they turn to others to supply emotional mean- ing. Psychologists call this process social referencing.

• Understanding the emotional state of another person is called empathy. Develop- ment of empathy illustrates important psychosocial progress, as it acknowledges a child’s growing mental activity.

• Toddlers begin to show empathy at least by the end of the second year. When chil- dren lack empathy, it is especially problematic, predicting lifelong consequences. On a very basic level, empathy inhibits aggression and other antisocial behaviors.

Emotional Regulation

• Emotional regulation, emotional intelligence, and conscientiousness are relatively new areas of focus in child development. Research indicates that these factors have strong predictive value for a number of outcomes.

• Walter Mischel’s famous Marshmallow Test uncovered differences in self-regulatory behaviors such as self-control. Long-term follow-up showed that the Marshmallow Test predicted both behavioral and academic successes.

• Biology and maturation produce different patterns of responses. Individual experi- ences will modify the way personality is expressed. That is, outcomes depend on the way parents and caregivers react to behaviors. Reciprocal patterns of behavior can work in both positive and negative ways.

The Growth of Emotional Expression

• Stranger anxiety and separation anxiety are key first-year psychosocial milestones, as infants display their growing understanding of social bonds.

• Infants will exhibit stranger anxiety in the presence of unfamiliar adults. They dis- play anxiety and become clingy. This reaction coincides with the emergence of fear and intensifies during the latter half of the first year.

• Separation anxiety is the distress that infants display when the usual caregiver departs. Like stranger anxiety, it has been observed to be a universal phenomenon. Separation anxiety coincides with the development of object permanence.

• Self-conscious emotions emerge during the second year. They signify advancing cognitive and psychosocial sophistication, as they indicate that toddlers are aware of themselves and the reactions of others.

• Different patterns of neurological growth help to explain the growth and complexity of emotions, including the increased volatility indicative of some adolescents.

• Emotional deprivation during infancy can lead to serious cognitive, neurological, social, and emotional consequences.

Emotional Difficulties in Adolescence

• Changes during adolescence lead to increased incidence of depression, which is the strongest risk factor for suicide. Parents and professionals are wise to understand the sometimes-transient nature of adolescent emotions.

• As many as 1 in 10 people in the United States meet the criteria for clinical depres- sion, although there are ongoing inconsistencies in diagnoses. The most notable behavioral changes related to depression include a change in appetite, a change in sleep, and a change in activity level.

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Summary & Resources

• The prevalence of depression appears to decrease with age, but estimating it among the elderly is complicated due to its association with physical ailments.

• About twice as many women than men at any time experience depression, implying there are biological differences. However, men and women deal with depression in different ways, which may impact its course.

• Depressed adolescents are particularly vulnerable to suicide, but suicide prevalence does not peak among women until middle-adulthood and not until after age 75 for men.

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

• Laura Carstensen has collected evidence that indicates the combination of happiness and experienced emotion is the strongest predictor for longevity. Emotional stability and optimism contribute to increased survival rates.

• Socioemotional selectivity theory proposes that time plays a role in the way people pursue social goals, like knowledge-related goals or goals related to emotion. As people age, and time is limited, emotional goals become more prominent.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. How do play activities contribute to secure attachment relationships? 2. With regards to emotional well-being in early childhood, adolescence, and adult-

hood, what makes a person happy? Should providing happiness be a goal for parents of children? Should the pursuit of happiness be the goal for adults?

3. Women are thought to internalize emotional problems and ruminate more than men, but men tend to externalize and ignore emotional issues more than women. Is one style more adaptive or “better” than another? Explain.

4. What are some factors that could account for demographic differences in suicide? 5. If an older adult discontinues her medications due to depression over a terminal

diagnosis, is it the same thing as suicide? 6. As we age, Laura Carstenson says we systematically refine social networks to maxi-

mize emotional well-being. Do you think this information is equally applicable for both friends and family? That is, when attempting to maintain emotional fitness, should family still be given extra consideration? If you answer that family should indeed be given special consideration, explain without using the circular argument, “Because they are family.”

Additional Resources Web Resources

• National Institute of Mental Health: Information about depression http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml?utm_source= BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter#part_145394

• National Public Radio’s “Why should we look forward to getting older?”: Laura Carstensen discusses her research with the NPR host as part of NPR’s TED Radio Hour series http://www.npr.org/2015/06/19/414999589/why-should-we-look-forward-to -getting-older

• Nobel Prizes and Laureates: A biography of Konrad Lorenze (imprinting) http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1973/lorenz-bio.html

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© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml?utm_source=BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter#part_145394http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml?utm_source=BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter#part_145394http://www.npr.org/2015/06/19/414999589/why-should-we-look-forward-to-getting-olderhttp://www.npr.org/2015/06/19/414999589/why-should-we-look-forward-to-getting-olderhttp://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1973/lorenz-bio.html

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Summary & Resources

Key Terms attachment A sustained, developmental (rather than spontaneous) emotional con- nection. It emerges as a result of a close emotional relationship between a child and at least one caregiver, usually a parent.

depression A psychological condition that describes prolonged feelings of hopeless- ness, sadness, and a lack of joy.

disorganized-disoriented infants Thought to be the least securely attached, these infants exhibit a great degree of confusion and contradictory behaviors during both separation and reunion situations.

empathy The capacity to identify and understand another person’s emotions.

insecure-avoidant infants Infants charac- terized by indifference to their mothers. In the Strange Situation, these babies paid little attention when their mothers exited and remained in a fairly stable mood when their mothers returned.

insecure-resistant (or ambivalent) infants Infants who show a high level of distress. They tend to both demand and fight closeness (displaying ambivalence), and often show anger when the caregiver returns.

nonorganic failure to thrive A phenom- enon that occurs when children who receive sufficient nutrition cease to grow.

reciprocal determinism A process in which behaviors of infants influence responses in others, which in turn has a reciprocal effect on infants.

securely attached infants Infants who readily investigate their surroundings when their caregivers are present and use them as a base.

self-conscious emotions Emotions that appear in the second year and indicate more cognitive and psychosocial sophistication.

self-regulation The extent to which we bal- ance ongoing environmental demands with appropriate behavioral responses.

separation anxiety The emotional upset that infants experience when their usual caregiver leaves.

social referencing When infants (and older individuals) look to others for emotional cues about uncertain events or behaviors.

social smile A smile in response to other people.

socioemotional selectivity theory A theory, developed by Laura Carstensen, that says that time plays a role in the way people pursue social goals, like knowledge-related goals or goals related to emotion.

stranger anxiety The caution infants dem- onstrate in the presence of unfamiliar adults.

Strange Situation In this staged, standard- ized procedure, babies experience a series of separation-and-reunion episodes designed to measure the strength of an attachment relationship.

suicidal ideation Thoughts and plans about suicide.

Further Research

• Carstensen, L. L. (2007). Growing old or living long: Take your pick. Issues in Science and Technology, 23(2), 41–50. Retrieved from http://issues.org/23-2/carstensen/

• Traster, T. (2014). The elusive, manipulative adopted child. The Atlantic. Retrieved from http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/06/reactive-attachment -disorder/372259/

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© 2016 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution.http://issues.org/23-2/carstensen/http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/06/reactive-attachment-disorder/372259/http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/06/reactive-attachment-disorder/372259/

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11Personality, the Self, and Moral Development

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Learning Objectives

After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

• Understand how kinds of temperament are associated with principles of reciprocal relationships and good- ness of fit.

• Outline Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.

• Articulate and evaluate the theoretical ideas of Marcia and Levinson.

• Compare and contrast trait and type theories and how they each assess personality.

• Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness and summarize demographic differences in self-esteem.

• Define ethnic identity and understand how it influences identity development.

• Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different stages of moral development.

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Prologue

Chapter Outline

Prologue

11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self Categories of Infant Temperament Goodness of Fit

11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development Erikson: Stages of Psychosocial Development Application of Erikson’s View and Empirical Findings

11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development Marcia: Identity Status Model Levinson: Life Transitions Evaluation of Levinson

11.4 Trait and Type Theories of Personality Measuring Traits: The Big Five Applications of the Big Five Measuring Personality Types: The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

11.5 Development of the Self Self-Awareness Other Indicators of Self-Awareness Self-Concept and Self-Esteem

11.6 Ethnic Identity

11.7 Theory of Moral Development Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages of Moral Development An Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s Approach

Summary & Resources

Prologue Try for a moment to describe a person without referring to physical characteristics. Words such as “shy,” “patient,” or “easygoing” may come to mind. These are personal and social traits, which are part of personality. Psychologists think of personality as descriptions that are both consistent and individually distinctive for each person. Even if a person’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors consistently express turmoil and change, we may describe that person with words like “flighty,” “impulsive,” or “undependable.” Therefore, personality consists of stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and, ultimately, behaviors.

Furthermore, noticing that a person did a kind thing is different from noticing that a person is kind. The latter implies a sense of permanence. When a shy person acts in a more asser- tive manner, most people recognize the behavior as out of character—different from his or her typical personality. But if the “shy” person persists in being more assertive, we might ask whether the person is still inherently shy or whether that person’s personality has truly changed. The most famous American talk show host of the 1970s and 1980s, Johnny Carson, always described himself as shy. How can that be?

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Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self Section 11.1

This chapter will explore how psychologists view these differences and various theories that attempt to describe how our personalities develop. Traditional Freudian theory, introduced in Chapter 2, which focused on the id, ego, and superego, has given way to science-based trait theories, which suggest that personality remains fairly stable during adulthood. We will also look at the emergence of self, identity, moral development, and how we evaluate and become aware of ourselves. This focus on personality and identity development will serve as an intro- duction to how we define ourselves according to gender, relationships, and other social roles, which will be explored in the following chapters.

11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self

In Chapter 10 we discussed the emergence of emotions, which are generally regarded as tem- porary states or moods. In addition to transitory states, we exhibit a characteristic style of arousal, or pattern of experiencing the world. Psychologists use the term temperament to describe those characteristics that are relatively enduring and consistent during the early years of life. It previews personality and includes how easily we become emotionally aroused, how long the arousal persists, and how easily it fades. An “easy” baby can be fussy or unhappy at times but still generally handles distress well and is relatively predictable; an “active” baby does not always engage in prolonged activity but can still be described as mostly energetic and vigorous. Regardless of any transient emotions, “easy” and “active” describe more consis- tent traits—temperament.

Differences in temperament can be observed in neonates—even during fetal development—and remain rela- tively stable across various situations (Casalin, Luyten, Vliegen, & Meurs, 2012). There is strong evidence that genetics and biology influence tem- perament, including in factors related to emotions, motor activity, self- regulation, and attention. Together, these characteristics interact with the environment and begin to define per- sonality, the topic of the remainder of this chapter (Ivorra et al., 2010; Posner, Rothbart, & Sheese, 2007; Rothbart, 2007). Temperament is the mostly bio- logical foundation upon which expe- riences with the environment build personality. There is also evidence that culture and a parent’s personal- ity affect temperament (Laxman et al.,

2013). For instance, although cultural differences decline with age, infants born in the United States score relatively high in measures of surgency, a psychological measure that encompasses

Purestock/Thinkstock

Temperament describes characteristics that are relatively consistent during the early years of life. Neonates can demonstrate differences in temperament.

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Section 11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self

extraversion, confidence, and independence. These characteristics tend to be valued in more individualistic countries. U.S. infants are relatively better at managing feelings of frustration and other negative emotions, too (Slobodskaya, Garstein, Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013).

Categories of Infant Temperament In 1977, researchers Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess offered the first widely accepted conceptual model of temperament. They followed a group of 141 U.S. infants into adulthood. Each person was rated on several dimensions, including activity level, adaptability, attention span, and mood. Multiple interviews and observations with parents and children revealed that infant emotional reactivity could be classified according to one of three types of tempera- ment (Thomas & Chess, 1977).

• Infants with an easy temperament are generally happy. They find ways to self- soothe and establish regular body rhythms of sleeping, eating, and elimination. They adapt relatively easily to change. About 40% of children fit this category.

• Infants with a difficult temperament often display intensely negative reactions. They have difficulty establishing regular routines and do not adapt well to new expe- riences. About 10% of children fit this category.

• About 15% of infants are slow to warm up. They are relatively less active with somewhat regular biological rhythms for activities like sleep and elimination. They have mild to moderate reactions to new experiences, but are notably more accepting than difficult children.

• About 35% of children show a combination of characteristics and do not clearly fit any of the categories (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968).

The differences observed during infancy are found to be moderately stable throughout child- hood. Longitudinal research has found that children who are classified as easy during infancy have fewer adjustment problems in school than those who are identified as difficult. Difficult children are comparatively more likely to be aggressive and to withdraw from social interac- tions. Slow-to-warm-up infants exhibit relatively smooth developmental adjustment during infancy, but during elementary school they are found to have more problems than easy chil- dren. In general, children who have emotional and behavioral problems in later childhood have temperament profiles that include a lower degree of emotional stability and relatively poor self-regulatory skills (Althoff et al., 2012; Caspi & Silva, 1995; Chess & Thomas, 1984; De Pauw & Mervielde, 2011).

Other models of temperament focus less on biological rhythms, but they still emphasize attention, activity, and emotionality. Research by Rothbart and her colleagues has been particularly instrumental in focusing on varia- tions in reactivity and self-regulation, including inten- sity of motor and emotional responses, self-soothing behaviors, and self-control. Accordingly, researchers often explore how easily they can elicit temper tan- trums and whether children can be easily calmed (Gart-

stein & Rothbart, 2003; Rothbart, Ahadi, & Evans, 2000; Rothbart & Bates, 2006).

Critical Thinking

If a parent has an active infant, but comes home exhausted from work, what advice would you offer? What about an exhausted parent and a quiet infant?

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Section 11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

Goodness of Fit The match between temperament and environmental demands is referred to as goodness of fit. For instance, the diagnosis of some attention disorders is often dependent on individual parenting style and culture. Some parents and educators may tolerate certain kinds of off- task behavior more than others. The amount of patience adults display affects how children respond. Fussy infants become more difficult toddlers when they are faced with parents who generally impose harsher restrictions. These parents become more easily stressed, more neg- ative, and more hostile; they might engage in inconsistent discipline practices and aggravate the child’s behavior problems. In contrast, parents who show support and patience can have a significant positive effect on children’s behavior (Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermans, & Peetsma, 2007; Raikes, Robinson, Bradley, Raikes, & Ayoub, 2007). In other words, the tem- perament of some children may be a better or poorer fit than others for particular situations. Children’s adjustment may therefore be linked to biological temperament acting on fit.

To counteract what might be poor goodness of fit, difficult children benefit from warm, sensi- tive parents who have consistent rules for behavior and make reasonable demands. Less active infants and toddlers benefit from parents who will engage them—asking questions, exploring, naming objects. Because active, outgoing children will naturally self-stimulate, for them, intrusive adult involvement may limit exploratory behavior and innate curiosity. Many parents fail to recognize when they are not responding according to their children’s tempera- ment. In these instances, parenting programs that include directed interventions to identify emotions appear to be helpful. In one study that focused on these techniques, children were able to engage in a higher level of social behavior. Additionally, by learning how to better rec- ognize emotional cues in their children, parents also became more aware of their own emo- tional regulation (Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012).

Section Review What is the association between infant temperament and personality development? Describe three different types of infant temperament, including implications for parenting and good- ness of fit.

11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development Like issues that arise with goodness of fit, it is not always easy to find an appropriate bal- ance between being patient and responsive, and imposing necessary restrictions on what appears to be normal developmental needs. How often should difficult babies be held? How much freedom should teenagers be given to express themselves? Erikson’s theory of psycho- social development outlines these issues. His theory of how social interactions affect per- sonality development remains a historical benchmark from which contemporary theory has evolved. In many ways, Erik Erikson is to psychosocial development what Piaget is to cogni- tive development. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to find Erikson’s ideas practical and worthwhile. Part of Erikson’s theory concerns the development of the self, which is a

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Section 11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. Erikson stressed how the self develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with society.

Erikson: Stages of Psychosocial Development Erikson was influenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Both of these psychology pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on later personality and behav- ior. However, while Freud felt early development was largely a function of sexual conflict, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social influences during the life- span (Erikson, 1950/1993). According to Erikson, each developmental period is marked by a psychosocial challenge that can have either a favorable or an unfavorable outcome. The desired outcome provides opportunity for growth, whereas the alternative inhibits personal- ity growth. The settlement of each stage does not have an all-or-none effect on personality development; there are degrees of resolution. Although Erikson proposed general age ranges for his stages, there is no firm consensus on when each stage begins and ends.

Basic Trust Versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old): Erikson proposed that the fundamen- tal challenge of infancy concerns an infant’s dependency needs and parental responsive- ness. Infants need to feel secure that they will be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are responsive and dependable, infants become confident that their needs will be met; they develop a sense of trust. In contrast, an insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected) will develop a sense of mistrust. Therefore, the first of Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust versus mistrust.

Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt (ages 1 to 3 years): If infants trust their parents, then as toddlers they can more confidently explore their environment. As toddlers begin to master skills like crawling, walking, talking, dressing, and feeding themselves, they dis- cover a sense of autonomy that leads to self-esteem. Parents must guide the development of this independence so that children develop appropriate self-control without feeling shame that they have done something bad and consequently doubt their own abilities.

Initiative Versus Guilt (ages 3 to 6 years): When children gain autonomy, they begin to master the world around them. They become more independent but sometimes suffer negative consequences as a result. Early “experiments” with food flying off of a highchair, which first occur randomly, are now done with more purpose. Children might cut their own hair. Parents again need to juggle reactions. If a 4-year-old attempts to bring a dish to the sink but ends up breaking it, how should the parent react? Children can either be reinforced for taking the initiative or feel guilt for having done something wrong. The key to helping children overcome this initiative versus guilt challenge is to set balanced limits—not always an intuitive, easy task.

Industry Versus Inferiority (ages 5 to 12 years): Play becomes more purposeful or goal- oriented as children learn more about the ways of the world. If they take the initiative, they can become accomplished and feel a sense of industry. If they feel inadequate, per- haps because of the guilt from the earlier stage, children become discouraged in their attempts to acquire knowledge or complete tasks. In that case, they may feel incompe- tent and unproductive, which can lead to feelings of inferiority. By becoming industrious through the acquisition of a number of competencies, children begin to build a sense of identity.

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Section 11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

Identity Versus Role Confusion (adolescence): Erikson believed that the stage of identity development that coincides with adolescence was pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and later stages are dependent on it. In this stage, teenagers try to discover who they really are, including their sexual identity and what they want to do in life. Beginning in early adolescence, physical, sexual, and cognitive changes, as well as more complex social demands, contribute to confusion about identity. Erikson called this time of potential upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this period, adolescents will often try out different behaviors before finding a clear path. The process of reconciling these challenges results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. On the other hand, when children are not allowed to explore, create, and accomplish, they do not develop the competence necessary to define goals and forge a unique sense of self. Current and future roles remain undefined, or confused. This role confusion may lead to difficulty forming close adult rela- tionships. After all, if a person does not have a strong sense of identity, then there are few intimacies that he or she can share with another person. This outcome is sometimes referred to as identity diffusion since the self, or personality, lacks a unified core. Erikson proposed that identity versus role confusion was the key to developing into an adult.

Intimacy Versus Isolation (early adulthood): The adult personal- ity rests firmly on the success- ful resolution of the challenges of earlier developmental stages. Although close relationships may have formed prior to this stage, the task here is to form successful relationships and create intimacy. If a young adult has not success- fully resolved the crisis of identity, then it becomes more difficult to form deep emotional connections. Expressing hopes, dreams, and fears to an intimate partner also helps solidify and integrate self- image. In the absence of intimacy, relationships are more superficial; without the risk of vulnerability, a sense of isolation develops. Erikson does not limit these intimate relationships to sexual intimacy but extends them to relationships with special friends also.

Generativity Versus Stagnation (middle adulthood): Adults seek to accomplish goals that make them feel as if they have made a difference in the world. Personality is inte- grated to achieve occupational, social, and personal goals. People gain a sense of fulfill- ment from these accomplishments, but they also seek additional satisfaction by “leaving a mark.” Generativity refers to providing for the next generation, by engaging in activities like teaching values, coaching sports, raising children, and volunteering. In contrast, some individuals may not get much satisfaction from their nine-to-five jobs, and simply come home, eat dinner, watch some TV, and do it again the next day. They develop a sense of stagnation, a feeling of selfishness and lack of productivity.

iStock/Thinkstock

If young adults have had trouble forming an identity, they can also have trouble forming deep emotional connections and develop a sense of isolation.

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Section 11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

Integrity Versus Despair (late adulthood): If adults have been successful in prior stages, a sense of personal integrity emerges. People accept their lives and what they have accom- plished, including leaving a mark on younger generations. When looking back on their lives, they experience a sense of fulfillment. There is an acceptance of life’s limitations and the understanding that regrets are unproductive. Despair is the result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled and there is no longer enough time to achieve them.

Hope and Faith Versus Despair (mid-eighties and later): Late in his career, when he became old himself, Erikson and his wife formulated a ninth stage (Erikson & Erikson, 1998). In the oldest stage there are some new challenges. One has to contend with the death of close friends and family members. There is less autonomy than previously. Mobil- ity can become more difficult. People may be forced to move so that everyday activities are easier to manage. If the challenges of this stage are successfully navigated, people will experience a feeling of hope and faith. Erikson suggested that successful resolution of this stage includes a shift in perspective from a materialistic and rational view of the world to one that is transcendent and not easily measured. Death is accepted as the way of all living things.

Application of Erikson’s View and Empirical Findings Erikson’s view enjoys both theoretical and applied support and provides additional under- standing of both child and adult behaviors. For example, if an employee is extremely reserved and finds it difficult to ask for a deserved raise, Erikson’s stage theory would suggest the worker had not met the challenge of autonomy versus shame and doubt; the person has not gained assertiveness. That outcome could lead to a failure resolving the next stage, initiative versus guilt, where the worker associates assertion with negative feelings. The lack of confi- dence and fear of self-assertion makes it more difficult to form intimate relationships, leading to feelings of isolation from others.

Research provides general support for the theory as well. For instance, Erikson suggested that without a sense of intimacy, it is difficult to commit to relationships and activities that will provide for the next generation. Further, studies have shown that those who have stable relationships and careers are indeed more likely to demonstrate generativity than those who are still floundering (Peterson & Klohnen, 1995). As might be predicted, generativity increases as we age. Roughly 50% experience it by age 40, which increases to 83% by age 60. Other research is similarly supportive (e.g., Whitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, & Waterman, 1991). This motivation to “give back” and create a purpose in life is widely seen among older adults and is an excellent predictor of happiness and success in marriage (Vaillant, 2002; Wnuk, Mar- cinkowski, & Fobair, 2012).

Section Review Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and explain how these challenges relate to the development of personality.

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Identity Diffusion

Identity Moratorium

Identity Foreclosure

Identity Achievement

AbsentPresent

Commitment

A bs

en t

E xp

lo ra

ti o

n (

cr is

is )

P re se

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Section 11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development

11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development Though an alternative psychosocial perspective over the lifespan has not emerged, there are theories that attempt to explain individual stages. James Marcia’s identity status model is a well-regarded application that has found support among Western cultures; Daniel Levinson’s life transitions has received much popular support outside of academia and psychology pro- fessionals, but falls short scientifically. We will look at these two perspectives next.

Marcia: Identity Status Model James Marcia uses Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a backdrop and sug- gests that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that adolescence presents. His identity status model classifies individual identity development in terms of two character- istics: crisis and commitment. Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which adoles- cents begin to question previous values. As a result, individuals explore different alternatives. For example, a high school senior may consider a technical school, traveling, or several differ- ent college majors. Commitment refers to whether or not a decision has been made related to the exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007). There is quite a difference, for instance, between an unmotivated high school student who jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who attends college workshops and volunteers at a health care agency. In the latter case, explora- tion will eventually lead to commitment.

As Figure 11.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable identity statuses based on the two criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity achievement occurs when occupa- tional and social challenges of education, career, and marriage are explored and pursued and there is a current commitment. For example, after an individual investigates a number of opportuni- ties in the mental health field (e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and teaching), identity achievement would occur when the indi- vidual commits to the pursuit of one over another. Early identity achievement is associated with high achievement motivation, empathy, compas- sion, and self-esteem. However, for most, identity does not solidify until the early to mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger, 2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & Mar- cia, 2010).

Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without adequately exploring alternatives, per- haps because of the strong influence of an author- ity figure or societal norm. They join the military, work in the family business, or pursue a law degree because their parents have decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure does not necessarily equal unhappiness, but it is associated with a high need for approval. Iden- tity foreclosure is more common among Asian,

Figure 11.1: Marcia’s identity

statuses

James Marcia described four possible outcomes related to adolescent identity development.

Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).

Identity Diffusion

Identity Moratorium

Identity Foreclosure

Identity Achievement

AbsentPresent

Commitment

A bs

en t

E xp

lo ra

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cr is

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Section 11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality Development

European, and collectivist cultures than in mainstream, middle-class culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence that is indicative of identity achievement is not neces- sarily a desirable goal for every group. Furthermore, secular changes within cultures affect goals and values. For instance, among adolescents there has been a recent shift in attitudes, resulting in an increased concern for other people and the environment. As a result, career development in the contemporary cohort of adolescents and young adults includes relatively more collectivist goals and less materialism (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligini, & Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Greenfield, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).

Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States is usually associated with exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you want to be” is an example of parents encouraging the exploration of various alternatives. When adolescents actively explore choices but are not committed, it is referred to as identity moratorium. This strug- gle for identity is often associated with anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping out of school altogether, are often in moratorium.

Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed to any social or occupational choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These individuals tend to be flighty, without clear direction for the future. They may be confused about goals, occupation, sexual identity, or gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedica- tion makes it difficult to sustain relationships. Conse- quently, these individuals are more likely than others to become isolated.

It is considered a positive development when individuals move from diffusion to foreclo- sure to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not necessarily fixed into one identity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain stable. It is common for individuals to change statuses from moratorium to achievement and back again, in what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is considered normal and may appear periodi- cally throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status peaks during late adolescence and declines thereafter. About half of all adolescents have a stable identity status (Kroger, 2007; Kroger et al., 2010). Among college students, status begins to change later than young adults who do not attend college.

The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of identity development is both a culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is, according to Erikson, we have a tendency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry that forward into marriage, commu- nity, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes apply mostly to Westernized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia suggested that their theories could be applied universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated Marcia’s conceptual basis for achievement. However, identity development is quite different, even within Western countries, when there are choices in career and education and everyday survival can be taken for granted (e.g., Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz, Serafini, & Meeus, 2013). In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for instance, the menu of careers to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high priority, and

Critical Thinking

In what ways can attending college and pursuing a degree be categorized as iden- tity foreclosure? When is it moratorium?

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economic necessity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work. Identity develop- ment through exploration would not even be considered when daily living remains a struggle.

Levinson: Life Transitions Another way of looking at how personality develops is to identify normative age-graded influ- ences, or how people view the world at any particular time (see Chapter 1). For instance, there are specific life transitions that coincide with age-based norms, such as turning 30 or the “Big 5-0.” Puberty and menopause are two examples of biological influences that are linked by age. However, from a psychosocial perspective, age-based norms have become more fluid. For example, the social clock (age-graded social expectations) that formerly existed for getting married, having children, and even retirement has expanded widely. The timing of these events is much less predictable than in past generations.

Nevertheless, some have suggested that “transitional” ages like 30 and 50 do affect personality development. The most often cited theory is that of Dan- iel Levinson, who famously described the “midlife crisis” (Levinson, 1978, 1997). Like Erikson, he separated development into a number of stages and transitions. Levinson suggested that everyone goes through the same basic stages of adult development, each of which we must master before tran- sitioning to the next stage. For exam- ple, the early adult years comprise the novice phase of adulthood when there is a transition from dependent child to independent adult. Unattached young adults may be successful at having inti- mate relationships as long as they live

independently or with parents, but they can face unknown challenges after marrying. Accord- ing to Levinson, these kinds of adjustment periods occur in every new stage. Once we master new tasks, stability exists in the new stage until it is time to move on again.

The late twenties and early thirties are marked by family and career development. At the completion of this stage, adults move beyond exploration, reach an era of stability, and look forward to the transition into middle adulthood—Levinson’s major focus. He suggested there is a significant adjustment period, and was the first to call this period the midlife crisis. It is a time of reflection and transition, including questioning self-identity as either being “young” or “old.” The midlife crisis is another psychological concept that has captured a significant place in popular culture. Entertainment media provide amusing stories of middle-aged men and women trading in their staid family and work lives for the excitement of a sports car, younger sexual partners, and adventure.

Stockbyte/Thinkstock

The timing of events such as marriage, childbearing, and retirement is much less predictable than in past generations.

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Evaluation of Levinson Despite its perpetuation in the media, the midlife crisis is not all that prevalent, if it exists at all. Although Levinson reported that stages and transitions occur for both men and women, other research suggests that it happens in only a small percentage of the population (Aldwin & Levinson, 2001; Lachman, 2004). People may identify with experiencing crises in middle age, but data show that upsetting events are not more likely to occur at that time than at oth- ers. In addition, middle-aged adults are generally happier and more content than at any previ- ous stage (Carstensen et al., 2011; Wethington, 2000). Perhaps people report having midlife crises simply because it is normative behavior to do so.

Though the midlife crisis is largely a myth, there are practical reasons why there often appear to be major transitions. In middle adulthood, especially, people think about values and priori- ties. What may look like a crisis to some is often a reassessment and a discerning look back at early adulthood and a preparation for new adventures (Vaillant, 2002). Children are grown and so parents no longer need a practical car. There is often more disposable income than at any other time, and there is still a youthful mentality to spend it. What appears to be a radical change may only be the realization of opportunities. The “midlife crisis” may indeed be the prime of life.

Section Review Describe how models proposed by Marcia and Levinson can help us understand important age-graded influences in personality development.

11.4 Trait and Type Theories of Personality In contrast to traditional models, which hypothesize that personality is mostly a product of cultural, interpersonal, and environmental forces, the trait theory of personality is heav- ily influenced by biology and genetics. In describing someone’s personality, we usually do not refer to physical characteristics; instead, we use words such as “outgoing,” “reliable,” and “reserved.” These traits represent stable, enduring characteristics. The degree to which someone is described along a number of enduring dimensions comprises the person’s per- sonality. Trait theory therefore focuses on measuring recurring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

Measuring Traits: The Big Five The most widely accepted trait model of personality is the five-factor theory (McCrae, Costa, John, Robins, & Pervin, 2008). Its origins began with a more pragmatic approach to personal- ity theory, which included simply asking people to describe themselves. The combination of words allows us to emphasize the uniqueness of each individual. One of the first trait theo- rists, Gordon Allport (1897–1967), is credited with going through the dictionary and compil- ing a list of 4,500 words that could be used to describe personality (Allport & Odbert, 1936). With so many words, though, there was a problem of psychological standardization; the list needed to be whittled down to fewer, core traits.

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The next big advance occurred in 1960 when Raymond Cattell and his colleagues culminated decades of identifying, measuring, and analyzing the most fundamental traits. They ended up identifying 16 specific surface traits (observable through behaviors), which they then clus- tered into five broader (global) categories called source traits (the underlying psychological factors) (Cattell, 1965). According to Cattell, each of 16 surface traits varies on a continuum and can be used to provide a unique personality profile. Importantly, the five global source traits led to the development of the five-factor theory, which is now simply referred to as the Big Five. According to the five-factor theory, people differ from one another along the dimen- sions of Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emo- tional Stability (also referred to as Neuroticism). Although there remains disagreement about both the names of the traits and the relative importance of each, there is now widespread acceptance of using the Big Five as a general structure for studying personality (Browne et al., 2012). The Big Five are summarized in Table 11.1.

Table 11.1: The Big Five personality traits

Trait Extremes Description

Openness to experience • Imaginative versus practical • Curious versus cautious • Variety versus routine

People high on this trait are more likely to be independent, try new foods, and look forward to meeting new people. Those low on this scale tend to be more conven- tional and conforming.

Conscientiousness • Disciplined versus impulsive • Careful versus careless • Organized versus

disorganized

People high on this trait tend to adhere to schedules and be on time—like students who always submit timely responses and keep a schedule of activities. Those low on the scale tend to procrastinate, be disorganized, and lack perseverance.

Extraversion • Sociable versus solitary • Energetic versus reserved • Fun loving versus serious

Successful salespeople generally score high on this trait. Those with lower ranking on this trait enjoy more time by themselves; constant socialization may be exhausting.

Agreeableness • Helpful versus uncooperative • Altruistic versus

unsympathetic • Considerate versus

antagonistic

Retail employees who are helpful, friendly, and kind score high on agree- ableness. People who routinely get upset if they do not receive special treatment would score low.

Emotional stability • Anxious versus calm • Self-defeating versus

confident • Insecure versus secure

People ranking high in this trait have a negative opinion of themselves and their abilities; they tend to overreact to stress- ful situations, like the characters often portrayed in films by Woody Allen or Jim Carrey. Those scoring low on this scale tend to be less emotional, like characters often portrayed by Angelina Jolie or Clint Eastwood.

Source: Based on McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1987). Validation of the five-factor model of personality across instruments and observers. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 81–90. American Psychological Association. Adapted by permission.

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Applications of the Big Five Because of its growing empirical support, the Big Five are increasingly being used for practical applications like predicting occupational interests, enhancing communication, and assessing learning styles (e.g., Abedi et al., 2012). Measuring traits has been useful in describing behav- iors associated with career success and health. Employers, academicians, and others are find- ing new ways to improve productivity and relationships in the workplace and elsewhere.

Conscientiousness There is increasing consensus that the Big Five are universal, crossing cultures, gender, and sex (McCrae et al., 2008; McCrae & Costa, 1987, 1997). Further, there is evidence that the trait of conscientiousness is singularly predictive of a number of important outcomes. An exten- sive review found that it associated with self-regulation, motivation, and internalization of standards that are used to understand normative behavior (Eisenberg, Duckworth, Spinrad, & Valiente, 2014). But it is not simply a matter of getting to work on time or finishing school homework. High conscientiousness is associated with the completion of long-term goals, more thoughtful decision making, and the fulfillment of personal obligations. These traits lead to better performance in school and greater career success. Because of its especially strong predictive value for later success, the study of conscientiousness has led to increased attention among educators and psychologists (Borghans, Duckworth, Heckman, & Weel, 2008; Duckworth, Quinn, & Tsukayama, 2012; Sutin, Costa, Miech, & Eaton, 2009).

Stability Versus Change Experimentally, the Big Five are used to assess whether or not personality changes (as psy- chodynamic theory would argue) or whether it simply matures within an environmental con- text. Overall, it is apparent that personality is stable in some ways and unsettled in others. Compared to other traits, extraversion and openness to experience remain relatively stable (Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2011). On average, people who score high on extraversion may behave differently depending on family, school, and other environmental conditions, but will generally remain energetic and sociable for their circumstances (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000; Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006). The same is true for openness.

On the other hand, agreeableness and conscientiousness show the most relative change across adulthood (Soto et al., 2011). These traits probably adjust out of a necessity for suc- cess. People who are more disagreeable and less responsible are less likely to pass classes, have dependable friends, and obtain a successful career. As personality matures over the course of adulthood, people learn to be more accepting and gain more control over their emo- tions, which is reflected in more emotional stability (i.e., lower neuroticism; Lachman, 2004). Overall, adults become more optimistic as well. They are more confident, cheerful, calm, and warm toward others (Brim, Ryff, & Kessler, 2004; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Together, these findings suggest that as people age, they focus more on the positive and less on the negative.

Traits and Health Across the Lifespan We also know that individual traits can predict long-term health and social outcomes, too (e.g., Kern, Hampson, Goldberg, & Friedman, 2014; Hong, 2013; Vollrath, Hampson, & Júlíus- son, 2012). Conscientiousness alone predicts obesity in adulthood, along with negative health

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outcomes. People who have a stronger internal dialogue, more self-control, and intrinsic motivation are likely to engage in the types of behaviors that will increase health outcomes (Hampson, Edmonds, Goldberg, Dubanoski, & Hillier, 2013). Being more agreeable also leads to greater longevity. This finding is consistent with a great deal of research that shows that hostility, the opposite of agreeableness, is a risk factor for cardiovascular disease and other conditions that shorten lifespan. Other research finds that personality can predict heart and lung functioning, unhealthy habits, and infections and other diseases (e.g., Friedman & Mar- tin; 2011; Hill, Turiano, Hurd, Mroczek, & Roberts, 2011; Israel et al., 2014; Olsen, Tuu, Honk- anen, & Verplanken, 2015). Understanding personality traits in this way may very well allow health care professionals to inexpensively design personalized preventive health care plans.

Measuring Personality Types: The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator Instead of a continuum of five traits, some theorists propose that there are just certain types of personalities based on characteristic ways of behaving. The most popular type theory is based on the work of Carl Jung (1923). Jung recognized that people do not act randomly; rather, they have orderly, consistent preferences for behavior. You might have a preference for chocolate ice cream rather than vanilla ice cream, but that does not mean that you never eat vanilla ice cream. In relation to personality, Jung said that people have four different preferences.

Katharine Briggs and her daughter, Isabel Myers, wanted to make Jung’s ideas practical and usable by a wide variety of people. Their work led to the development of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI). The MBTI measures individual psychological preferences on four dimensions: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging– Perceiving (see Table 11.2).

Table 11.2: MBTI types Extraversion (E) or Introversion (I)

Sensing (S) or Intuition (N)

Thinking (T) or Feeling (F)

Judging (J) or Perceiving (P)

Extraversion–Introversion explains how people get energy for life. Extraverted people draw energy from the outer world of people, activities, and things, while introverted people draw energy from their inner world of impressions, emotions, and ideas.

Sensing–Intuition describes how an individual takes in information. Sensing types gather concrete information through the five senses (taste, touch, smell, sight, hearing), while indi- viduals who are more intuitive take in information through inspiration or a “gut feeling” that extends beyond the five senses (Myers et al., 1998).

Thinking–Feeling points to the different ways that people make decisions. A person with a thinking preference makes decisions in a logical, rational, objective way, while a someone who is a feeling type is generally driven by emotion, preferring to make decisions more personal.

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Section 11.5 Development of the Self

Judging–Perceiving has to do with the basic approach that a person takes toward life. People who are more judging tend to be more structured and prefer planning and organizing their lives. People who are more perceiving prefer more flexible and spontaneous lives.

While Jung believed that all eight functions are present in every human being, and all are used at least to some degree, he suggested that every person has a preference for one of the two possibilities in each dichotomy. The combination of the four preferences makes up an indi- vidual’s psychological type, or personality. The four combinations yield 16 different types. Individuals sharing one of the 16 different types tend to reflect similar values, interests, and approaches to life, in contrast with others who have different types. Because the MBTI has been translated into over 20 languages with over two million administrations annually, from a practical aspect, its widespread use suggests that people find it useful to advance personal understanding (Myers et al., 1998).

Section Review Describe the differences and similarities in trait theory and type theory.

11.5 Development of the Self In section 11.2, we learned that the self is a conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. It is indirectly influenced by temperament and reciprocal rela- tionships, and both implicit and explicit feedback from others. As we grow, those around us continue to have a heavy influence in the construction of self, as its development is tied to social norms and expectations. The first step in this process is being able to recognize ourselves as distinct individuals.

Self-Awareness Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent knowledge that self is separate from oth- ers. To develop an expression of individuality, chil- dren must first develop an understanding of them- selves. That is, children define their identities only after they are able to recognize that they are sepa- rate from others. Piaget and other cognitive psy- chologists suggest that infants do not demonstrate awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention, beginning at about 8 months (see the dis- cussion about the sensorimotor stage in Chapter 7). Other views hold that children lack the cogni- tive capacity to know that they are distinct persons until they recognize themselves in a mirror or in

Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock

By 24 months of age, most children recognize their distinct selves in a mirror, in photos, and in videos.

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photographs. This process is called self-awareness. Children can define their identities only when they are able to recognize that they are separate from others.

The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are prominently marked on their nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a mirror. They may attempt to wipe off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention to it. If they do, it may be con- cluded that they are aware of their own physical characteristics—the first step in developing a sense of self that is independent from other people and objects.

Infants as young as 12 months old sometimes react to the mark, but the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24 months, nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior, suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me” (Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985). While some researchers argue that the mirror-and-rouge test shows that awareness occurs discontinuously, Bertenthal and Fischer (1978) suggest that it is more gradual. In a comprehensive experiment involving a series of identification tasks, 46 out of 48 children showed consistent patterns of gradually increasing self-awareness within each of five stages. According to them, self-awareness changes incrementally and develops in a more continuous fashion than typically represented by the mirror-and-rouge test (Berten- thal & Fischer, 1978).

Other Indicators of Self-Awareness When infants and toddlers begin to use words like “me” and “you,” it signals the emergence of self-concept. Soon they will be able to identify themselves according to sex and age and compare themselves to others based on other variables. Categorizing in this way represents an emergence of identity. It will eventually include any number of characteristics, including gender, ethnicity, and career attributes.

People in the United States generally grow up in a culture that emphasizes individual traits and abilities over interdependence and group goals (individualistic versus collectivistic). As a result, early childhood characterizations of self typically include mostly concrete descrip- tions (“I like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors modesty and the social aspects of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than children in the United States to use more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play with my friends at the park,” “I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as early as 3 years of age (Wang, 2006). In adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to include romantic relation- ships and sexuality. Descriptions gradually become more complex and include both personal and social aspects of self (“I am a good friend,” “I work hard, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).

Self-awareness is also noticeable in the development of the higher-order emotions intro- duced in Chapter 10. The self-conscious emotions of shame, guilt, and pride are accompa- nied by behavior that indicates self-knowledge. For instance, self-awareness is acknowledged when toddlers warily “challenge” parents by touching forbidden objects. They will not auto- matically take food from another child’s plate because they know their behavior will be met with disapproval. When children implore parents to “Look!” at a pose, a block design, or an arrangement of stuffed animals, it shows pride of accomplishment. There is ownership of the

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task. Self-awareness and a growing consciousness are also demonstrated when toddlers fail at a task. Tears of frustration show that toddlers understand their own limitations; they are able to separate outside forces from internal appraisals (Stipek, Recchia, & McClintic, 1992). In the next section, we will look at the emergence of self-concept as self-awareness becomes more refined, mirroring the change in cognition from concrete into abstract thinking.

Self-Concept and Self-Esteem Complete the activity on self-concept. The descriptions describe who you are and illustrate your self-concept, or your own perception of characteristics related to academics, athletics, family roles, ethnicity, sexuality, and more. Though the terms self-concept and self-esteem are often used interchangeably, they refer to different dimensions. Self-concept is concerned with constructing a sense of identity through self-expression. Self-esteem is the evaluation of that self-concept. For instance, if you identify yourself as a caring father, a dedicated student, a terrible athlete and a technology genius, and all of that is okay with you, then those attributes contribute to a positive self-esteem. On the other hand, if you are not the father you would like to be, think of yourself as a poor student, or are self-critical for not being a better athlete, then that evaluation may negatively affect you. A person may not reasonably assess self-concept, but nevertheless it defines self-esteem. Personal characteristics distinguish self-concept; the assessment of those characteristics is self-esteem.

Activity Take a moment and think of words that describe you. Formulate descriptions that are related to your culture and ethnicity, gender, and sex. Also include adjectives that relate to the way you perform at work or in school, and the way you behave around your family or in groups.

Self-esteem therefore contributes to emotional well-being. It refers to how capable and sig- nificant a person feels and contributes to a number of developmental areas (Juth, Smyth, & Santuzzi, 2008; Kong, Zhao, & You, 2012). Those with low self-esteem tend to believe failures are a reflection of who they are and that they cannot succeed even if they try harder. Children with low self-esteem follow a pattern of employing ineffective strategies, repeatedly failing, and then giving up entirely. Experts sometimes refer to this outcome as the “why try” model of behavior that further reduces self-worth in adulthood (Corrigan, Larson, & Rüsch, 2009; Erdley, Cain, Loomis, Dumas-Hines, & Dweck, 1997).

In contrast, high self-esteem contributes to motivation to achieve goals, greater persistence, and better school performance, setting the stage for more successful work and other posi- tive psychosocial outcomes (Freudenthaler, Spinath, & Neubauer, 2008; Graham & Williams, 2009). Self-esteem may impact motivation to excel, the variety of jobs that are offered, and whether or not a person receives a raise when requested. However, self-esteem is not neces- sarily associated with job performance (Ferris, Lian, Brown, Pang, & Keeping, 2010).

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25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 100

Age (years)

2.75

3

3.25

3.5

3.75

Full sample

S el

f- es

te em

Section 11.5 Development of the Self

Self-Esteem Across the Lifespan Early adolescence is generally considered a difficult time, during which self-esteem suffers before rising during early adulthood (Birkeland, Melkevik, Holsen, & Wold, 2012; Erol & Orth, 2011). The physical changes of puberty can be awk- ward, and universally elevated expectations regarding aca- demics may not be consistent with abilities. During this time of increased psychosocial challenges, there is usually a simultaneous decrease in the physi- cal and emotional availability of teachers. Furthermore, due to the development of abstract thought and the hypothetical reasoning that goes with it, adolescents are better able to evalu- ate their goals and limitations. For instance, this is the time when many children discover that the road to becoming a professional athlete is more limited than the idealized version of middle childhood. Therefore, cognitive change is both a healthy way of assessing reality and a potential detriment to self-esteem (Harter, 2006; Harter & Whitesell, 2003).

Extensive research using longitudinal data for over 300,000 people found that self-esteem rises steadily from young adulthood to middle adulthood (see Figure 11.2). During late adult- hood, self-esteem drifts downward, particularly as health and income decline (Robins, Trz- esniewski, & Tracey, 2002). Although self-esteem appears to decline in later years, older adults have developed coping mechanisms that help them adapt to change. So even when facing declines, their self-esteem does not drop as much as might be expected (Baltes & Mayer, 1999).

Critical Thinking

How might grade inflation affect self-esteem?

Figure 11.2: Average change in self-esteem across the lifespan

The trajectory of self-esteem for a nationally representative sample of 3,617 individuals aged 25 years to 100 years.

Source: From Orth, U., Trzesniewski, K. H., & Robins, R. W. (2010). Self-esteem development from young adulthood to old age: A cohort-sequential longitudinal study. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98(4), 645–654. Copyright . 2010 by the American Psychological Association. Reproduced with permission.

25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 100

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2.75

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3.25

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3.75

Full sample

S el

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On the other hand, since adaptation to the aging process is an important component of healthy development, when people become preoccupied with age-related changes, they generally present poorer self-esteem. It is important to note that adults (accurately) do not view them- selves as aging as a whole; rather, they see parts of themselves aging, which allows people to remain “young at heart” while perhaps “old” at activities such as running or understanding new kinds of social media. One study found that people who had an optimistic view of aging lived an additional 7.5 years compared to those with a negative view, even when accounting for socioeconomic status, gender, and health (Levy, Slade, Kunkel, & Kasl, 2002).

Psychology in Action: Improving Self-esteem

Self-esteem is not something you can “give” to a person. Certainly there are specific kinds of interactions that will affect self-esteem one way or another, but someone cannot magically pat you on the back to increase your self-esteem. Instead, just as Erikson proposed, self-esteem must be earned through accomplishment. Inflating the worth of a job just provides a false feel- ing of esteem until the individual either recognizes the truth (which could be immediate) or fails at another, similar task.

There are two important ways that you can increase self-esteem in a realistic manner. The first entails setting small goals. Make a reasonable list, approach one task at a time, recognize completed activities, and move on to the next goal. Constructing a list is an important first step because it initiates the recognition of overall progress (that is, accomplishment and compe- tency). It is also important to approach goals in specific ways. For instance, avowing, “I will lose 40 pounds” is not as effective as stating, “After lunch every day I will walk for 30 minutes.” If you tend to procrastinate, establishing a goal of “finish a 10-page paper in two weeks” is less realistic than undertaking to “finish the outline today” and then set smaller goals for the rest of the week. With each small success comes more confidence.

The second strategy is to practice compassion. Research has shown that doing for others increases self-esteem (e.g., Mongrain, Chin, & Shapira, 2011). Earnestly volunteering allows indi- viduals to feel competent and it also provides a sense of worth that friends and relatives may not be able to provide. Psychotherapists use this technique with clients who have low self-esteem or who are depressed. The feeling of accomplishment while doing for others can be quite powerful.

Differences Between Groups Women generally have lower self-esteem than men in young adulthood, but by middle adult- hood both groups are about the same. Individuals who have more education have consistently higher self-esteem than those with less education (Orth, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2010). In a meta-analysis of hundreds of self-esteem studies, boys scored higher overall on self-esteem, but overall differences were small (Kling, Hyde, Showers, & Buswell, 1999). More recent stud- ies have continued to find little or no gender difference (Erol & Orth, 2011). Girls generally place greater emphasis on physical appearance than boys, but overall both boys and girls can be described as having high self-esteem (Bachman, O’Malley, Freedman-Doan, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2011; Van den Berg, Mond, Eisenberg, Ackard, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2010).

Self-esteem also varies as a function of culture, race, and ethnicity, but again, when differences exist they tend to be small (see Figure 11.3). In general, strong ethnic identity—regardless of the group with which you identify—is associated with high self-esteem (Smith & Silva, 2011). Furthermore, across 18 separate surveys over two decades, differences between and within

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20

15

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0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

a. 8th-grade males

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

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40

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10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

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1,625– 2,000

b. 8th-grade females

Self-esteem score Pe

rc en

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tu de

nt s

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c. 10th-grade males

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Pe rc

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f s tu

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s

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2,125– 2,500

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d. 10th-grade females

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Pe rc

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f s tu

de nt

s

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0 1,000– 1,500

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3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

e. 12th-grade males

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

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40

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30

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0 1,000– 1,500

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3,125– 3,500

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2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

f. 12th-grade females

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

WhiteAfrican-American Hispanic Asian-American

Section 11.5 Development of the Self

Figure 11.3: Frequency distributions of self-esteem index scores by race/

ethnicity, gender, and grade, 1991–2008

The percentages of students with low, medium, and high levels of self-esteem show similar patterns across gender and ethnic groups.

Source: Adolescent self-esteem: Differences by race/ethnicity, gender, and age. Jerald G. Bachman, Patrick M. O’Malley, Peter Freedman-Doan, Kali H. Trzesniewski & M. Brent Donnellan. Self and Identity 2011, 10(4): 445–473. Copyright © 2011 Routledge. Republished by permission of the publisher Taylor & Francis. Ltd.

45

40

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20

15

10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

a. 8th-grade males

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

b. 8th-grade females

Self-esteem score Pe

rc en

t o f s

tu de

nt s

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

c. 10th-grade males

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

d. 10th-grade females

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

e. 12th-grade males

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 1,000– 1,500

4,625– 5,000

4,125– 4,500

3,625– 4,000

3,125– 3,500

2,625– 3,000

2,125– 2,500

1,625– 2,000

f. 12th-grade females

Self-esteem score

Pe rc

en t o

f s tu

de nt

s

WhiteAfrican-American Hispanic Asian-American

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Section 11.6 Ethnic Identity

various ethnicities, genders, and age groups have remained fairly constant. Blacks generally score highest on measures of self-esteem, followed by whites, Hispanics, and Asians. In con- trast to gender similarities in other groups, studies show that black males have slightly lower self-esteem than black females (Bachman et al., 2011; Twenge & Crocker, 2002).

One factor that does appear to affect measures of self-esteem is socioeconomic status (SES). Substantial evidence shows that low SES has a negative effect on self-esteem, particularly during adolescence (e.g., Twenge & Campbell, 2002; Veselska et al., 2010). This is the time when children typically focus more on material goods like clothes, cars, and purchases that affect appearance. Coupled with adolescent egocentrism, teenagers are likely to elevate the importance of appearances, which is affected by income level. These small (but statistically significant) differences are remarkably consistent throughout North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia, even in relatively poor countries (e.g., Amazue & Uzuegbu, 2013; Fagg, Curtis, Cum- mins, Stansfeld, & Quesnel-Vallée, 2013; Sanal-Erginel & Silman, 2005; Var, Paul, Kumar, & Shah, 2011).

Section Review What is the difference between self-awareness, self-concept, and self-esteem? How do they each connect to the development of the self, as in the title of this chapter?

11.6 Ethnic Identity Socioeconomic differences highlight the complex nature of how identity is formed and indi- vidually assessed. Feelings regarding race and ethnicity are part of this process, since “who you are” includes descriptors of group membership. Children and adolescents feel a sense

of belongingness in their shared val- ues, traditions, language, and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within the culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A positive ethnic identity reflects a stronger self-concept and is associ- ated with greater school achievement and higher self-esteem (Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006). Increasingly, children identify with more than one race or culture, making for a stronger multi- faceted foundation in the search for a sense of self, rather than one that is more diffuse. The growing culture of globalization has expanded this con- cept worldwide, even to less devel- oped countries (Jenson, 2003; Rao et al., 2013; Trask, 2013).

Fuse/Thinkstock

Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in shared beliefs and customs, but increasingly children identify with more than one race or culture.

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Section 11.6 Ethnic Identity

Although younger children are aware of ethnic differ- ences, individuals do not begin to reflect about the mean- ing of them until they reach the cognitive advancements of formal operations (see Chapter 7). A psychological con- flict similar to the adolescent identity crisis arises when minority teenagers are exposed to possible negative cul- tural views during their exploration of identity. Develop- ing metacognition accelerates this process as adolescents integrate cultural history with future possibilities.

According to Jean Phinney (1989, 1990), in order to fully develop a sense of self, adolescents need to reconcile the degree to which ethnicity is a part of identity. She developed a model based on the same dimensions of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses (section 11.3). After conducting interviews of Asian, black, Hispanic, and white 10th graders, she concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three stages (white, mainstream American students could not be similarly classified):

• More than half of all minorities were in the beginning stage of unexamined ethnic identity. They were either in diffusion (an absence of interest in adopting the atti- tudes of their ethnicity) or foreclosure (adopting views that they acquired from others, usually parents). These groups in general spent little time or energy in exploration. For instance, one Mexican American male remarked, “My parents tell me . . . about where they lived, but what do I care? I’ve never lived there” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).

• A little less than one quarter felt an increasing awareness of ethnic issues and under- stood the importance of placing more emphasis on its relation to identity develop- ment. They were categorized as being in moratorium, or ethnic identity search. A black female’s remark is indicative of this stage: “I think people should know what Black people had to go through to get to where we are now” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).

• The remaining one fifth were in ethnic identity achievement, characteristic of those who had explored, accepted, and internalized their ethnic identity and reconciled the differences between their minority status and mainstream culture. A male inter- viewed by Phinney is quoted as saying, “I have been born Filipino and am born to be Filipino . . . I’m here in America, and people of many different cultures are here too. So I don’t consider myself only Filipino, but also American” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).

This last quote also exemplifies the formation of a bicultural identity, which allows minority adolescents to identify with their ethnic heritage as well as mainstream culture. Individuals with a bicultural identity are neither consumed by mainstream culture nor restricted by atti- tudes and beliefs in their cultures of origin that may not serve them well in the United States. Identifying with two or more cultures often provides a richer background and a stronger foundation for identity development (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992; Quintana, 2007).

Section Review Describe how culture and ethnicity might become integrated into identity.

Critical Thinking

If children were completely shielded from any mention of skin color or race, at what age do you think they would notice differences?

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Section 11.7 Theory of Moral Development

11.7 Theory of Moral Development An additional example of how experiences merge with identity formation is in the area of moral development. In Chapter 10 we learned that social referencing and empathy are indi- cations of cognitive sophistication. A developing child shows emotional growth when he or she begins to see beyond themselves by showing an interest in how others respond to his or her emotions and, similarly, by understanding the emotions shown by others. It is thought that moral values and attitudes also follow a prescribed sequence of cognitive sophistication while being guided by a fair dose of social exposure.

In perhaps the most widely accepted theory, Lawrence Kohlberg used Piaget’s stage theory of cognition as a backdrop to explain the gradual sophistication of moral behavior. Kohlberg proposed that morality emerges through a systematic three-level, six-stage sequence (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983). By following the progression of boys aged 10 to 16 over a 26-year period, Kohlberg and his colleagues determined that the stages are invariant and follow a predetermined structure.

Kohlberg developed a theory of moral development after posing a series of moral dilemmas to 87 boys ranging in age from 10 to 16 years old and asking them to explain how they would resolve the dilemma. He then studied their explanations to identify their reasoning. To fol- low their moral development, he then tested the children periodically for the next 20 years. The Heinz Dilemma is one of the questions the researchers used in their original study (Rest, Turiel, & Kohlberg, 1969, p. 229):

In Europe a woman was near death from a special kind of cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought might save her. It was a form of radium that a druggist in the same town had recently discovered. The drug was expensive to make, but the druggist was charging 10 times what the drug cost him to make. He paid $200 for the radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the drug. The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get together about $1,000, which is half of what it cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying and asked him to sell it cheaper or let him pay later. But the druggist said, “No, I discovered the drug and I’m going to make money from it.” Heinz is not sure what he should do in this difficult situation. He doesn’t know if it is right for a husband in his situa- tion to steal the drug for his wife.

After presenting the dilemma, researchers asked, “What should Heinz do?” By looking at the various responses to this question, Kohlberg and his colleagues were able to classify the development of moral judgments into three levels: preconventional, conventional, and postconventional, each of which contain two stages. At all three levels of moral development, there were individuals who answered “yes” and answered “no” to whether Heinz should steal the drug to save his wife. However, Kohlberg was more interested in the reasons that people gave for their answers than whether they thought stealing the drug was right or wrong (see Table 11.3).

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Table 11.3: Should Heinz steal the drug? Kohlberg’s stages of moral development

Stage Positive response Negative response

Preconventional Yes: He could get in trouble if he lets his wife die.

No: It’s against the law to steal.

Conventional Yes: He should steal it because his intentions are good and no one should let another person die.

No: While his motives are good, we can’t have everyone breaking the law.

Post-conventional Yes: Heinz is justified in stealing the medicine. It is fair and just that the wife be saved, even if theft is necessary. The law is flawed and should be changed so that others don’t face the same dilemma.

No: Even though the druggist’s actions are appalling, the druggist has the right to be compensated for his discovery.

Kohlberg’s theory focuses on people’s reasoning about what to do in a moral dilemma, not their actual choices. A key factor that promotes moral development is a sustained responsibil- ity for the welfare of others (Kohlberg, 1973). As individuals move from one level to the next, their moral thinking becomes more complex as they consider the meaning of Heinz’s action.

Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages of Moral Development There are three levels of moral development, and each level has two stages. Although there is a general relationship to age, the levels and stages are not tied to specific ages. At the pre- conventional level, people are mostly concerned with self-interest rather than what might be a universal standard. For instance, children will yield to authority figures in order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the perpetrator. Children generally do not progress beyond this level until at least 10 years old or so.

1. Stage 1 (obedience/punishment): Children are mostly concerned with adhering to authority figures in order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the perpetrator. Children know not to take a candy bar before dinner because it will result in an admonishment.

2. Stage 2 (self-interest): The lack of multiple perspectives results in concern for others being overshadowed if the individual gets rewarded. Unlike in later stages, “Do unto others . . .” is not a typical social contract. A child will have a candy bar before dinner if her brother is having one, because it would not be “fair” if only one of them had a treat.

At the conventional level, we base morality on societal norms. Behavior is generally accept- able if values are based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an individual’s behavior. People at this stage often get upset if they are singled out for misbehavior when others are not similarly punished. Unlike younger children, individuals in stages 3 and 4 show a concern for others.

3. Stage 3 (conformity and interpersonal accord): “Everybody does it” makes behavior acceptable, and values are based on a concern for group functioning and confor- mity. There is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an

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Section 11.7 Theory of Moral Development

individual’s behavior. “Do unto others . . .” now includes empathic understanding, so there is an emphasis on fairness for all, not just the individual. At this stage, children who lose privileges at school would be upset either that they were singled out or that everyone else who has engaged in the same behavior was not similarly pun- ished. Many individuals maintain this perspective well into adulthood.

4. Stage 4 (law and order orientation): According to Kohlberg, this is the highest stage many adults reach. Individuals depend on social rules and institutional order. There is an emphasis on fair justice and reward. A morally advanced adolescent might forego the advantage of parental assistance on an essay if it means there is a decided advantage in grading against peers. Adults at this stage would self-sacrifice instead of disturbing the social order; they would not park a car in a manner that would incon- venience others if the only purpose were self-gain.

The post-conventional level of morality is distinguished by idealized principles in society and may transcend respect for authority. Rather than accepting authority without question, people can imagine a different kind of social order than the one that currently exists. The concept of civil disobedience arises at this level, which might include deliberately breaking laws that are believed to be immoral. People at this level are less concerned with legal conse- quences, realizing that what is moral and what is legal are sometimes in conflict. Therefore, morality is more abstract than a list of rules and may become situational. Individual rights and values are respected because they promote good for all.

5. Stage 5 (social contract): Individual rights and values are respected because they promote good for all, regardless of any laws or list of rules. People are punished to protect society, not as an act of retribution (but instead because that is what is best for everyone, even the perpetrator). Laws are unethical if they fail to promote the best outcome for the largest number of people. For instance, if interracial and gay marriages do not impose on the rights of others, then they should be supported in order to promote the general welfare for all couples.

6. Stage 6 (universal principles): Principles are based on self-selected ideas relating to equality of all. Though it has been said that “it is easier to fight for one’s principles than to live up to them,” the stage 6 individual fights for what is right—because it is right. If laws are not just, then there is an obligation to disobey. Stage 6 individuals are rare and difficult to identify. They may value rights over their own lives, like 2014 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Malala Yousafzai, who, at 11 years old, and in the face of opposition from Pakistan’s Taliban, demanded an education; perhaps Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi are representative of this stage, as well.

Research shows that 95% of children and 81% of adults do not reach the post-conventional level (Walker, de Vries, & Trevethan, 1987).

Kohlberg’s theory has stood up well, although it has been modified to fit newer data. For example, college students were asked about moral dilemmas having to do with information technology (Kiser, Morrison, & Craven, 2011). By the time students finish college, most are at the conventional level of moral thinking. In a study conducted with 280 Muslim college students from Kuwait, researchers found a similar pattern. Most students were at the conven- tional level (Bouhmama, 2013). The higher adolescents and young adults score on moral rea- soning tests, the less likely they are to become delinquent (Raaijmakers, Engels, & Van Hoof, 2005). Only a small percentage of people reach Kohlberg’s highest level of moral maturity.

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An Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s Approach Kohlberg’s theory has been criticized for failing to consider gender and cultural differences (e.g., Fuchs, Eisenberg, Hertz-Lazarowitz, & Sharabaany, 1986). For example, some cultures may value caring for family members over all other causes. Individuals may be acting accord- ing to the highest moral standards of their culture but would not meet Kohlberg’s concept of post-conventional morality. Another continuing criticism is that Kohlberg’s research was con- ducted exclusively with males, and yet it has been applied routinely to females.

According to Carol Gilligan (1982), males and females have differing views of morality. Whereas boys are more likely to be concerned with jus- tice and fairness, girls are more likely to engage in self-sacrifice and shared responsibility (Gilligan, 1977; Taylor, Gilligan, & Sullivan, 1995).

Gilligan found that females are more concerned with the context in which a decision is to be made and males are more absolute. Girls are more likely than boys to focus on care for indi- vidual needs; compared to boys, girls demonstrate more compassion. This behavior stems from their greater emphasis on developing interdepen- dent relationships. Children transi- tion from an early stage of selfishness and practicality to the moral pursuit of goodness. For instance, a girl may participate in activities she does not like if she believes it is part of main- taining a strong friendship. According to Gilligan, the most advanced type of morality occurs when women accept their moral equivalence to others. Though these views may not be con- sistent with Kohlberg’s definition of post-conventional morality, they may nonetheless repre- sent the highest form of moral behavior (Sherblom, 2008).

The question about the nature of moral development remains unresolved. Although some studies have found gender differences in moral development, most evidence does not sup- port Gilligan’s view of distinctions either within mainstream U.S. culture or among diverse people internationally (Jorgensen, 2006; Skoe, 2012; Turiel, 2006). The major criticism of Gilligan’s view is that she is too absolute in dismissing Kohlberg’s stages. Most research tends to find that males and females rely on both justice and caring. People in general tend to use more care reasoning to make decisions concerning relationships and more justice reasoning for non-relationship issues, like cheating in school or on a tax return. The issues of care that Gilligan emphasizes may stem from the types of dilemmas that females are more likely to face rather than from the ways they are addressed. In this way, perhaps the moralities of care and justice operate together and depend on specific circumstances (Juujärvi, Myyry, & Pesso, 2010; Skoe, 2012).

iStock/Thinkstock

According to Carol Gilligan, girls are more likely than boys to show compassion and focus on care for individual needs.

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Summary & Resources

Hekman (1995, p. 8) points out that Gilligan isn’t saying one position is better than the other, just that they are different: “Gilligan claims that individuals can see moral conflicts in terms of either justice or care, but not both at once. Moral problems are thus not resolved by balancing justice and care, but by taking one perspective rather than the other.” Gilligan’s view has met resistance, however, as empirical support for differences in the moral perspectives of men and women is lacking (Pratt, Diessner, Hunsberger, & Prancer, 1991; Gilgun, 1995). Recently, researchers tested Gilligan’s ideas about the difference between reasoning based on justice and reasoning based on care. A recent study of 89 women over age 60 found that the women’s reasoning was highly consistent with the care orientation (Dakin, 2014).

Although there are criticisms of Kohlberg’s theory, it has been very influential in psychology and formed the foundation for other theories that show development over the lifespan. Gilli- gan has been an important contributor as well, as she has helped broaden the perspective on moral reasoning, including first identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work. Later, she also acknowledged that the development of morality is more nuanced than she at first proposed, and should consider not only gender differences but also similarities (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988).

Section Review How does sense of morality become more sophisticated as we begin to understand ourselves? As we begin to understand others?

Summary & Resources

Chapter Summary Evidence indicates that infants are born with a particular disposition, which we call tem- perament. These early indications of personality can initially be measured by variables such as the intensity of infant emotional reactions and how well infants can soothe themselves. Sometime in the latter part of the first year, infants start to understand they are separate beings and begin to define their own identities. As children grow, they develop individual styles and more distinct personalities. Part of the overall challenge of psychosocial develop- ment occurs as children integrate various parts of self-concept, including ethnicity and a sense of morality.

Erikson’s theory outlined challenges that we face at different stages of the lifespan. Though the theory remains an historical standard, the application of trait theories has become a strong focus of investigation. The Big Five, in particular, are increasingly used to help us understand what personality styles lead to success in education, health, and industry. Psy- chologists have also stepped up efforts to understand personality changes that appear later in life, including the search to preserve optimism and maximize outcomes. As introduced in the prologue, factors related to gender, social roles, and career contribute to identity devel- opment as well. These areas of development will be addressed in the following chapters.

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Summary & Resources

Summary of Key Concepts Early Personality Development: Temperament and the Emergent Self

• Infant temperament previews personality. It can be classified as easy, difficult, or slow to warm up. Research strongly suggests that these early markers of personality remain associated with other childhood behaviors.

• Temperament is mediated by the ways in which caregivers and others respond to the infant and is likely to affect how relationships develop.

Psychosocial Foundations of Personality Development

• Erik Erikson postulated that there are nine stages of psychosocial development. Beginning with infancy, individuals navigate the environment and experience a set of psychosocial challenges during their lifespan.

• Four stages lead up to the “identity crisis” of adolescence, which sets the stage for interpersonal and intrapersonal development in adulthood.

• According to Erikson, self-identity is formed when a balance exists between adult responsiveness, appropriate patience, and appropriate restriction.

Other Perspectives of Personality Development

• James Marcia specifically focused on the crises of adolescence and whether or not teens have explored and committed to an identity.

• He identified four identity statuses: achievement, foreclosure, moratorium, and diffusion. We often cycle through different statuses as we strive toward identity achievement.

• Though experimentally validated in some populations, because of personal and cul- tural limitations some elements of Marcia’s model do not exist for everyone.

• Levinson proposes that personality develops within normative, age-graded influ- ences. He believed that everyone goes through the same basic stages and transitions of adult development, including a “midlife crisis.”

• Despite popular usage of the term, the “midlife crisis” is mostly a myth.

Trait and Type Theories of Personality

• Trait theory strongly emphasizes the role of biology and genetics in personality development. According to this perspective, one’s unique constellation of traits makes up personality, which consists of stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

• The five-factor theory is a widely accepted model of personality that is based on identifying traits. The Big Five source traits are: Openness to Experience, Conscien- tiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability.

• Carl Jung’s work led to the development of the MBTI, a commonly used personal- ity assessment tool. The MBTI measures individual psychological preferences along four axes: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–Perceiving. The interaction of these four preferences constitutes one’s psy- chological type, or personality.

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Summary & Resources

Development of the Self

• Children define their identities only after they are able to recognize that they are separate from others. The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test.

• Other indicators suggest that self-awareness occurs earlier than the mirror-and- rouge test indicates.

• The formation of self-concept begins with self-awareness and continues during late infancy as toddlers develop awareness of others.

• Self-esteem is not the same as self-concept. Rather it is the evaluation of one’s self-concept.

• Research shows that self-esteem has remained fairly stable over time and across gender and ethnic groups. Though boys and girls may focus on different parts of themselves, on average both groups enjoy high self-esteem.

• Self-concept is influenced by factors related to race and ethnicity, sex and gender, and a country’s culture.

Ethnic Identity

• Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in their shared values, tradi- tions, language, and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within the culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A positive ethnic iden- tity reflects a stronger self-concept and is associated with greater school achieve- ment and higher self-esteem.

• Jean Phinney developed an ethnic identity model based on the same dimensions of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses. She concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three stages: unexamined ethnic identity, ethnic identity search, and ethnic identity achievement.

Theory of Moral Development

• Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development integrates the advances we see in cognitive functioning with psychosocial advances. He identified three levels of moral development, each of which contains two stages.

• Kohlberg’s theory has earned empirical support but has been criticized because he studied only boys while formulating his theory.

• An alternative theory proposed by Carol Gilligan has helped to broaden the per- spective on moral reasoning, including first identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work. However, her work has also been criticized for being too restrictive.

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. Is it important to specifically identify a child’s temperament? Explain. 2. Consider what you learned about attachment in Chapter 10. If an adult is unable

to fully trust another adult and form an intimate relationship, Erikson might sug- gest that development was arrested during the trust versus mistrust stage of psy- chosocial development. How can an adult reestablish this necessary ability? Using Erikson’s theory, explain how a relationship during adulthood can begin to reverse negative attachment experiences from infancy.

3. How do culture and socioeconomic status influence Marcia’s identity status model?

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4. Although the midlife crisis has not been scientifically validated, most people would probably agree that it exists. Why do you think this is the case?

5. Which of the Big Five traits has changed the most for you? The least? Which do you anticipate will change the most in the future?

6. There are no pairs of personality types that form ideal relationships. Two people of the same type may get along just as well as two people that are completely oppo- site types. With that in mind, take an online type indicator assessment with a close friend or family member, then discuss why the two of you might have the relation- ship that you do.

7. Should people strive to achieve post-conventional morality? Explain. 8. Which theory of moral development resonates most strongly for you? Do you think

your gender plays a role in your decision?

Additional Resources Web Resources

• The Myers & Briggs Foundation: Learn more about the MBTI type indicator http://www.myersbriggs.org/my-mbti-personality-type/mbti-basics/

• Big Five Personality Test: Take a 25 question test hosted on the Psychology Today website http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRegTest=1297

Further Research

• Allport, G. W., & Odbert, H. S. (1936). Trait names: A psycho-lexical study. Psychologi- cal Monographs, 47(211), whole issue.

• Erikson, E. H. (1950, 1993). Childhood and society. New York: Norton. • Erikson, E. H., & Erikson, J. M. (1998). The life cycle completed: Extended version with

new chapters on the ninth stage of development. New York: Norton. • Jung, C. G. (1923) Psychological types. New York: Harcourt Brace. • McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1997). Personality trait structure as a human universal.

American Psychologist, 52, 509–516. • Phinney, J. S. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity development in minority group adoles-

cents. Journal of Early Adolescence, 9, 34–49. • Thomas, A., & Chess, S. (1977). Temperament and development. New York: Brunner/

Mazel. • Vaillant, G. E. (2002). Aging well: Surprising guideposts to a happier life. New York:

Hachette Book Group.

Key Terms adolescent identity crisis A time during which adolescents contemplate social, per- sonal, and cognitive demands.

autonomy versus shame and doubt The second of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development begins around the second year until about 3 years of age. Infants and tod- dlers develop either autonomy or shame and doubt, depending in part on the freedom they are allowed when exploring.

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basic trust versus mistrust The first of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Develops between birth and the middle of the second year. Trust develops when infants can depend on caregivers to fulfill basic needs; when caregivers do not respond adequately, infants develop mistrust.

bicultural identity The identity that is formed when minorities identify with their ethnic heritage as well as with mainstream culture.

Big Five The five factors, or clusters, of traits. Generally accepted as a structure for studying personality, they are: Open- ness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional Stability (or Neuroticism).

commitment According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that determine iden- tity. Refers to whether or not a decision has been made regarding a crisis.

conventional level The second of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: conformity and interpersonal accord and law and order orientation. People adhere to socially accepted (conventional) rules because they feel an obligation to others.

crisis According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that determine identity. Refers to the exploration of alternative behaviors related to identity formation. See also commitment.

difficult temperament A generally nega- tive disposition coupled with poor adapta- tion to new experiences.

easy temperament An overall positive dis- position coupled with regular rhythms.

ethnic identity achievement Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s status of identity achievement.

ethnic identity search Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s status of identity moratorium.

five-factor theory A widely accepted framework for studying personality that focuses on the Big Five (five factors, or clus- ters of traits).

generativity versus stagnation The seventh of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of stagnation when they lack productivity.

goodness of fit The match between an infant’s temperament and environmental demands.

hope and faith versus despair The ninth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Erikson proposed that because old age causes the body and mind to fail, we need to learn to accept dependency and the inevitability of death.

identity achievement The status of adoles- cents who have both explored and commit- ted to an identity.

identity diffusion The status of adoles- cents who have neither explored nor com- mitted to an identity.

identity foreclosure The status of adoles- cents who have committed to an identity without first exploring.

identity moratorium The status of ado- lescents who have explored but have yet to commit to an identity.

identity status model James Marcia’s model that classifies individual iden- tity development in terms of crisis and commitment.

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industry versus inferiority The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial develop- ment. Occurs from about 6 to 12 years of age and focuses on competence, which leads to self-esteem. When children success- fully navigate tasks, they develop a sense of industry; when they are not able to become self-sufficient in tasks, they develop a sense of inferiority.

identity versus role confusion The key fifth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. A time during which adoles- cents seek to develop a stable self-image.

initiative versus guilt The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial develop- ment. Between the ages of 3 and 6, children expand their independence, but sometimes they must suffer the negative results of those actions.

integrity versus despair The last of Erik- son’s stages of psychosocial development. People in late adulthood either accept their lives and what they have accomplished or live in despair as a result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled.

intimacy versus isolation The sixth stage and first adult stage in Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Adults express hopes, dreams, and fears that are intended to result in the formation of deep emotional connections.

MAMA Based on identity statuses identified by James Marcia, the cycling between mora- torium and achievement.

midlife crisis Levinson’s term for a period of reflection and transition, including ques- tioning self-identity, at the time of transition into middle adulthood.

mirror-and-rouge test A test designed to measure whether or not children demon- strate self-awareness.

moral development A social and cognitive process that refers to an individual’s sense of justice and right and wrong.

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) Measures individual preferences on four dimensions: Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–Perceiving.

personality Stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.

post-conventional level The third of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: social contract and universal principles. Based on idealized principles of morality and the demands of individual conscience.

pre-conventional level The first of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: obedience/punishment and self-interest. A stage at which children adhere to rules and social norms due to restrictions set forth by authority figures.

self The conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves.

self-awareness The knowledge begin- ning in infancy that indicates individual distinctiveness.

self-concept An internal model of self and identity.

self-esteem The subjective evaluation of one’s sense of self, or self-concept.

slow to warm up A disposition in which less active babies adapt slowly to new situa- tions and have somewhat regular biological rhythms.

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social clock The social expectations for the ages at which certain life events occur, such as getting married, having children, and retirement.

source traits Five broad categories of underlying traits that resulted from cluster- ing the 16 surface traits, now referred to as the Big Five.

stages of psychosocial development Erik Erikson’s theory that explains how we come to understand and develop a unique sense of self.

surface traits Clusters of related traits, culled from identifying, measuring, and analyzing a wide variety of traits that are observable as behaviors.

temperament Describes characteristics that are relatively enduring and consistent during the early years of life. It previews personality. See also easy temperament, dif- ficult temperament, and slow to warm up.

traits Enduring, stable characteristics and behaviors.

trait theory A theory that focuses on the measurement of a person’s unique constella- tion of thoughts, feelings, behaviors.

unexamined ethnic identity A state of ethnic identity development that is consis- tent with Marcia’s statuses of either identity diffusion or identity foreclosure.

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